sex at dawn 
by christopher ryan 


Sex at Dawn
How We Mate, Why We Stray, and What It Means for Modern Relationships
Christopher Ryan, PhD, and Cacilda Jethá, MD
Epigraph
Your children are not your children.
They are the sons and daughters
of life’s longing for itself.
KAHLIL GIBRAN
Contents
Cover
Title Page
Epigraph
Preface: A Primate Meets His Match (A note from one of the authors)
Introduction: Another Well-Intentioned Inquisition
A Few Million Years in a Few Pages
Part I: On the Origin of the Specious
1. Remember the Yucatán!
You Are What You Eat
2. What Darwin Didn’t Know About Sex
The Flintstonization of Prehistory
What Is Evolutionary Psychology and Why Should You Care?
Lewis Henry Morgan
3. A Closer Look at the Standard Narrative of Human Sexual Evolution
How Darwin Insults Your Mother (The Dismal Science of Sexual
Economics)
The Famously Flaccid Female Libido
Male Parental Investment (MPI)
“Mixed Strategies” in the War Between the Sexes
Extended Sexual Receptivity and Concealed Ovulation
4. The Ape in the Mirror
Primates and Human Nature
Doubting the Chimpanzee Model
In Search of Primate Continuity
Part II: Lust In Paradise (Solitary?)
5. Who Lost What in Paradise?
On Getting Funky and Rockin’ Round the Clock
6. Who’s Your Daddies?
The Joy of S.E.Ex.
The Promise of Promiscuity
Bonobo Beginnings
7. Mommies Dearest
Nuclear Meltdown
8. Making a Mess of Marriage, Mating, and Monogamy
Marriage: The “Fundamental Condition” of the Human Species?
On Matrimonial Whoredom
9. Paternity Certainty: The Crumbling Cornerstone of the Standard
Narrative
Love, Lust, and Liberty at Lugu Lake
On the Inevitability of Patriarchy
The March of the Monogamous
10. Jealousy: A Beginner’s Guide to Coveting Thy Neighbor’s Spouse
Zero-Sum Sex
How to Tell When a Man Loves a Woman
Part III: The Way We Weren’t
11. “The Wealth of Nature” (Poor?)
Poor, Pitiful Me
The Despair of Millionaires
Finding Contentment “at the Bottom of the Scale of Human Beings”
12. The Selfish Meme (Nasty?)
Homo Economicus
The Tragedy of the Commons
Dreams of Perpetual Progress
Ancient Poverty or Assumed Affluence?
On Paleolithic Politics
13. The Never-Ending Battle over Prehistoric War (Brutish?)
Professor Pinker, Red in Tooth and Claw
The Mysterious Disappearance of Margaret Power
The Spoils of War
The Napoleonic Invasion (The Yanomami Controversy)
The Desperate Search for Hippie Hypocrisy and Bonobo Brutality
14. The Longevity Lie (Short?)
When Does Life Begin? When Does It End?
Is 80 the New 30?
Stressed to Death
Who You Calling a Starry-Eyed Romantic, Pal?
Part IV: Bodies in Motion
15. Little Big Man
All’s Fair in Love and Sperm War
16. The Truest Measure of a Man
Hard Core in the Stone Age
17. Sometimes a Penis Is Just a Penis
18. The Prehistory of O
“What Horrid Extravagancies of Minde!”
Beware the Devil’s Teat
The Force Required to Suppress It
19. When Girls Go Wild
Female Copulatory Vocalization
Sin Tetas, No Hay Paraíso
Come Again?
Part V: Men Are from Africa, Women Are from Africa
20. On Mona Lisa’s Mind
21. The Pervert’s Lament
Just Say What?
Kellogg’s Guide to Child Abuse
The Curse of Calvin Coolidge
The Perils of Monotomy (Monogamy + Monotony)
A Few More Reasons I Need Somebody New (Just Like You)
22. Confronting the Sky Together
Everybody Out of the Closet
The Marriage of the Sun and the Moon
Authors’ Note
Acknowledgments
Notes
References and Suggested Further Reading
Searchable Terms
P.S. Insights, Interviews & More…
Praise
Credits
Copyright
About the Publisher
PREFACE
A Primate Meets His Match
(A note from one of the authors)
Nature, Mr. Allnut, is what we are put in this world to rise above.
KATHARINE HEPBURN,
as Miss Rose Sayer, in The African Queen
One muggy afternoon in 1988, some local men were selling peanuts at the
entrance to the botanical gardens in Penang, Malaysia. I’d come with my
girlfriend, Ana, to walk off a big lunch. Sensing our confusion, the men
explained that the peanuts weren’t for us, but to feed irresistibly cute baby
monkeys like those we hadn’t yet noticed rolling around on the grass nearby. We
bought a few bags.
We soon came to a little guy hanging by his tail right over the path. His ohso-human eyes focused imploringly on the bag of nuts in Ana’s hand. We were
standing there cooing like teenage girls in a kitten shop when the underbrush
exploded in a sudden simian strike. A full-grown monkey flashed past me,
bounced off Ana, and was gone—along with the nuts. Ana’s hand was bleeding
where he’d scratched her. We were stunned, trembling, silent. There’d been no
time to scream.
After a few minutes, when the adrenaline had finally begun to ebb, my fear
curdled into loathing. I felt betrayed in a way I never had before. Along with our
nuts went precious assumptions about the purity of nature, of evil as a uniquely
human affliction. A line had been crossed. I wasn’t just angry; I was
philosophically offended.
I felt something changing inside me. My chest seemed to swell, my
shoulders to broaden. My arms felt stronger; my eyesight sharpened. I felt like
Popeye after a can of spinach. I glared into the underbrush like the heavyweight
primate I now knew myself to be. I’d take no more abuse from these
lightweights.
I’d been traveling in Asia long enough to know that monkeys there are
nothing like their trombone-playing, tambourine-banging cousins I’d seen on TV
as a kid. Free-living Asian primates possess a characteristic I found shocking
and confusing the first time I saw it: self-respect. If you make the mistake of
holding the gaze of a street monkey in India, Nepal, or Malaysia, you’ll find
you’re facing a belligerently intelligent creature whose expression says, with a
Robert DeNiro–like scowl, “What the hell are you looking at? You wanna piece
of me?” Forget about putting one of these guys in a little red vest.
It wasn’t long before we came to another imploring, furry face hanging
upside down from a tree in the middle of a clearing. Ana was ready to forgive
and forget. Though I was fully hardened against cuteness of any kind, I agreed to
give her the remaining bag of nuts. We seemed safely distant from underbrush
from which an ambush could be launched. But as I pulled the bag out of my
sweat-soaked pocket, its cellophane rustle must have rung through the jungle
like a clanging dinner bell.
In a heartbeat, a large, arrogant-looking brute appeared at the edge of the
clearing, about twenty yards away. He gazed at us, considering the situation,
sizing me up. His exaggerated yawn seemed calculated to dismiss and threaten
me simultaneously: a long, slow display of his fangs. Determined to fill any
power vacuum without delay, I picked up a small branch and tossed it casually
in his direction, making the point that these nuts were definitely not for him and
that I was not to be trifled with. He watched the branch land a few feet in front
of him, not moving a muscle. Then his forehead briefly crinkled in eerily
emotional thought, as if I’d hurt his feelings. He looked up at me, straight into
my eyes. His expression held no hint of fear, respect, or humor.
As if shot from a cannon, he leapt over the branch I’d tossed, long yellow
dagger fangs bared, shrieking, charging straight at me.
Caught between the attacking beast and my terrified girlfriend, I understood
for the first time what it would really mean to have a “monkey on your back.” I
felt something snap in my mind. I lost it. In movement quicker than thought, my
arms flew open, my legs flexed into a wrestler’s crouch, and my own coffeestained, orthodontia-corrected teeth were bared with a wild shriek. I was
helplessly launched into a hopping-mad, saliva-spraying dominance display of
my own.
I was as surprised as he was. He pulled up and stared at me for a second or
two before slowly backing away. This time, though, I’m pretty sure I saw a hint
of laughter in his eyes.
Above nature? Not a chance. Take it from Mr. Allnut.
INTRODUCTION
Another Well-Intentioned Inquisition
Forget what you’ve heard about human beings having descended from the apes.
We didn’t descend from apes. We are apes. Metaphorically and factually, Homo
sapiens is one of the five surviving species of great apes, along with
chimpanzees, bonobos, gorillas, and orangutans (gibbons are considered a
“lesser ape”). We shared a common ancestor with two of these apes—bonobos
and chimps—just five million years ago.
1 That’s “the day before yesterday” in
evolutionary terms. The fine print distinguishing humans from the other great
apes is regarded as “wholly artificial” by most primatologists these days.
2
If we’re “above” nature, it’s only in the sense that a shaky-legged surfer is
“above” the ocean. Even if we never slip (and we all do), our inner nature can
pull us under at any moment. Those of us raised in the West have been assured
that we humans are special, unique among living things, above and beyond the
world around us, exempt from the humilities and humiliations that pervade and
define animal life. The natural world lies below and beneath us, a cause for
shame, disgust, or alarm; something smelly and messy to be hidden behind
closed doors, drawn curtains, and minty freshness. Or we overcompensate and
imagine nature floating angelically in soft focus up above, innocent, noble,
balanced, and wise.
Like bonobos and chimps, we are the randy descendents of hypersexual
ancestors. At first blush, this may seem an overstatement, but it’s a truth that
should have become common knowledge long ago. Conventional notions of
monogamous, till-death-do-us-part marriage strain under the dead weight of a
false narrative that insists we’re something else. What is the essence of human
sexuality and how did it get to be that way? In the following pages, we’ll explain
how seismic cultural shifts that began about ten thousand years ago rendered the
true story of human sexuality so subversive and threatening that for centuries it
has been silenced by religious authorities, pathologized by physicians, studiously
ignored by scientists, and covered up by moralizing therapists.
Deep conflicts rage at the heart of modern sexuality. Our cultivated
ignorance is devastating. The campaign to obscure the true nature of our species’
sexuality leaves half our marriages collapsing under an unstoppable tide of
swirling sexual frustration, libido-killing boredom, impulsive betrayal,
dysfunction, confusion, and shame. Serial monogamy stretches before (and
behind) many of us like an archipelago of failure: isolated islands of transitory
happiness in a cold, dark sea of disappointment. And how many of the couples
who manage to stay together for the long haul have done so by resigning
themselves to sacrificing their eroticism on the altar of three of life’s
irreplaceable joys: family stability, companionship, and emotional, if not sexual,
intimacy? Are those who innocently aspire to these joys cursed by nature to
preside over the slow strangulation of their partner’s libido?
The Spanish word esposas means both “wives” and “handcuffs.” In English,
some men ruefully joke about the ball and chain. There’s good reason marriage
is often depicted and mourned as the beginning of the end of a man’s sexual life.
And women fare no better. Who wants to share her life with a man who feels
trapped and diminished by his love for her, whose honor marks the limits of his
freedom? Who wants to spend her life apologizing for being just one woman?
Yes, something is seriously wrong. The American Medical Association
reports that some 42 percent of American women suffer from sexual
dysfunction, while Viagra breaks sales records year after year. Worldwide,
pornography is reported to rake in anywhere from fifty-seven billion to a
hundred billion dollars annually. In the United States, it generates more revenue
than CBS, NBC, and ABC combined and more than all professional football,
baseball, and basketball franchises. According to U.S. News and World Report,
“Americans spend more money at strip clubs than at Broadway, off-Broadway,
regional and nonprofit theaters, the opera, the ballet and jazz and classical music
performances—combined.”
3
There’s no denying that we’re a species with a sweet tooth for sex.
Meanwhile, so-called traditional marriage appears to be under assault from all
sides—as it collapses from within. Even the most ardent defenders of normal
sexuality buckle under its weight, as never-ending bipartisan perp-walks of
politicians (Clinton, Vitter, Gingrich, Craig, Foley, Spitzer, Sanford) and
religious figures (Haggard, Swaggert, Bakker) trumpet their support of family
values before slinking off to private assignations with lovers, prostitutes, and
interns.
Denial hasn’t worked. Hundreds of Catholic priests have confessed to
thousands of sex crimes against children in the past few decades alone. In 2008,
the Catholic Church paid $436 million in compensation for sexual abuse. More
than a fifth of the victims were under ten years old. This we know. Dare we even
imagine the suffering such crimes have caused in the seventeen centuries since a
sexual life was perversely forbidden to priests in the earliest known papal
decree: the Decreta and Cum in unum of Pope Siricius (c. 385)? What is the
moral debt owed to the forgotten victims of this misguided rejection of basic
human sexuality?
On threat of torture, in 1633, the Inquisition of the Roman Catholic Church
forced Galileo to state publicly what he knew to be false: that the Earth sat
immobile at the center of the universe. Three and a half centuries later, in 1992,
Pope John Paul II admitted that the scientist had been right all along, but that the
Inquisition had been “well-intentioned.”
Well, there’s no Inquisition like a well-intentioned Inquisition!
Like those childishly intransigent visions of an entire universe spinning
around an all-important Earth, the standard narrative of prehistory offers an
immediate, primitive sort of comfort. Just as pope after pope dismissed any
cosmology that removed humankind from the exalted center of the endless
expanse of space, just as Darwin was (and, in some crowds, still is) ridiculed for
recognizing that human beings are the creation of natural laws, many scientists
are blinded by their emotional resistance to any account of human sexual
evolution that doesn’t revolve around the monogamous nuclear family unit.
Although we’re led to believe we live in times of sexual liberation,
contemporary human sexuality throbs with obvious, painful truths that must not
be spoken aloud. The conflict between what we’re told we feel and what we
really feel may be the richest source of confusion, dissatisfaction, and
unnecessary suffering of our time. The answers normally proffered don’t answer
the questions at the heart of our erotic lives: why are men and women so
different in our desires, fantasies, responses, and sexual behavior? Why are we
betraying and divorcing each other at ever increasing rates when not opting out
of marriage entirely? Why the pandemic spread of single-parent families? Why
does the passion evaporate from so many marriages so quickly? What causes the
death of desire? Having evolved together right here on Earth, why do so many
men and women resonate with the idea that we may as well be from different
planets?
Oriented toward medicine and business, American society has responded to
this ongoing crisis by developing a marital-industrial complex of couples
therapy, pharmaceutical hard-ons, sex-advice columnists, creepy father-daughter
purity cults, and an endless stream of in-box come-ons (“Unleash your
LoveMonster! She’ll thank you!”). Every month, truckloads of glossy
supermarket magazines offer the same old tricks to get the spark back into our
moribund sex lives.
Yes, a few candles here, some crotchless panties there, toss a handful of rose
petals on the bed and it’ll be just like the very first time! What’s that you say?
He’s still checking out other women? She’s still got an air of detached
disappointment? He’s finished before you’ve begun?
Well, then, let the experts figure out what ails you, your partner, your
relationship. Perhaps his penis needs enlarging or her vagina needs a retrofit.
Maybe he has “commitment issues,” a “fragmentary superego,” or the dreaded
“Peter Pan complex.” Are you depressed? You say you love your spouse of a
dozen years but don’t feel sexually attracted the way you used to? One or both of
you are tempted by another? Maybe you two should try doing it on the kitchen
floor. Or force yourself to do it every night for a year.
4 Maybe he’s going
through a midlife crisis. Take these pills. Get a new hairstyle. Something must be
wrong with you.
Ever feel like the victim of a well-intentioned Inquisition?
This split-personality relationship with our true sexual nature is anything but
news to entertainment corporations, who have long reflected the same fractured
sensibility between public pronouncement and private desire. In 2000, under the
headline “Wall Street Meets Pornography,” The New York Times reported that
General Motors sold more graphic sex films than Larry Flynt, owner of the
Hustler empire. Over eight million American subscribers to DirecTV, a General
Motors subsidiary, were spending about $200 million a year on pay-perview sex
films from satellite providers. Similarly, Rupert Murdoch, owner of the Fox
News Network and the nation’s leading conservative newspaper, The Wall Street
Journal, was pulling in more porn money through a satellite company than
Playboy made with its magazine, cable, and Internet businesses combined.
5
AT&T, also a supporter of conservative values, sells hard-core porn to over a
million hotel rooms throughout the country via its Hot Network.
The frantic sexual hypocrisy in America is inexplicable if we adhere to
traditional models of human sexuality insisting that monogamy is natural,
marriage is a human universal, and any family structure other than the nuclear is
aberrant. We need a new understanding of ourselves, based not on pulpit
proclamations or feel-good Hollywood fantasies, but on a bold and unashamed
assessment of the plentiful scientific data that illuminate the true origins and
nature of human sexuality.
We are at war with our eroticism. We battle our hungers, expectations, and
disappointments. Religion, politics, and even science square off against biology
and millions of years of evolved appetites. How to defuse this intractable
struggle?
In the following pages, we reassess some of the most important science of
our time. We question the deepest assumptions brought to contemporary views
of marriage, family structure, and sexuality—issues affecting each of us every
day and every night.
We’ll show that human beings evolved in intimate groups where almost
everything was shared—food, shelter, protection, child care, even sexual
pleasure. We don’t argue that humans are natural-born Marxist hippies. Nor do
we hold that romantic love was unknown or unimportant in prehistoric
communities. But we’ll demonstrate that contemporary culture misrepresents the
link between love and sex. With and without love, a casual sexuality was the
norm for our prehistoric ancestors.
Let’s address the question you’re probably already asking: how can we
possibly know anything about sex in prehistory? Nobody alive today was there
to witness prehistoric life, and since social behavior leaves no fossils, isn’t this
all just wild speculation?
Not quite. There’s an old story about the trial of a man charged with biting
off another man’s finger in a fight. An eyewitness took the stand. The defense
attorney asked, “Did you actually see my client bite off the finger?” The witness
said, “Well, no, I didn’t.” “Aha!” said the attorney with a smug smile. “How
then can you claim he bit off the man’s finger?” “Well,” replied the witness, “I
saw him spit it out.”
In addition to a great deal of circumstantial evidence from societies around
the world and closely related nonhuman primates, we’ll take a look at some of
what evolution has spit out. We’ll examine the anatomical evidence still evident
in our bodies and the yearning for sexual novelty expressed in our pornography,
advertising, and after-work happy hours. We’ll even decode messages in the socalled “copulatory vocalizations” of thy neighbor’s wife as she calls out
ecstatically in the still of night.
Readers acquainted with the recent literature on human sexuality will be familiar
with what we call the standard narrative of human sexual evolution (hereafter
shortened to “the standard narrative”). It goes something like this:
1. Boy meets girl.
2. Boy and girl assess one another’s mate value from perspectives based upon
their differing reproductive agendas/capacities:
He looks for signs of youth, fertility, health, absence of previous sexual
experience, and likelihood of future sexual fidelity. In other words, his
assessment is skewed toward finding a fertile, healthy young mate with
many childbearing years ahead and no current children to drain his
resources.
She looks for signs of wealth (or at least prospects of future wealth), social
status, physical health, and likelihood that he will stick around to protect
and provide for their children. Her guy must be willing and able to provide
materially for her (especially during pregnancy and breastfeeding) and their
children (known as male parental investment).
3. Boy gets girl: assuming they meet one another’s criteria, they
“mate,” forming a long-term pair bond—the “fundamental condition of
the human species,” as famed author Desmond Morris put it. Once the
pair bond is formed:
She will be sensitive to indications that he is considering leaving (vigilant
toward signs of infidelity involving intimacy with other women that would
threaten her access to his resources and protection)—while keeping an eye
out (around ovulation, especially) for a quick fling with a man genetically
superior to her husband.
He will be sensitive to signs of her sexual infidelities (which would reduce
his all-important paternity certainty)—while taking advantage of short-term
sexual opportunities with other women (as his sperm are easily produced
and plentiful).
Researchers claim to have confirmed these basic patterns in studies
conducted around the world over several decades. Their results seem to support
the standard narrative of human sexual evolution, which appears to make a lot of
sense. But they don’t, and it doesn’t.
While we don’t dispute that these patterns play out in many parts of the
modern world, we don’t see them as elements of human nature so much as
adaptations to social conditions—many of which were introduced with the
advent of agriculture no more than ten thousand years ago. These behaviors and
predilections are not biologically programmed traits of our species; they are
evidence of the human brain’s flexibility and the creative potential of
community.
To take just one example, we argue that women’s seemingly consistent
preference for men with access to wealth is not a result of innate evolutionary
programming, as the standard model asserts, but simply a behavioral adaptation
to a world in which men control a disproportionate share of the world’s
resources. As we’ll explore in detail, before the advent of agriculture a hundred
centuries ago, women typically had as much access to food, protection, and
social support as did men. We’ll see that upheavals in human societies resulting
from the shift to settled living in agricultural communities brought radical
changes to women’s ability to survive. Suddenly, women lived in a world where
they had to barter their reproductive capacity for access to the resources and
protection they needed to survive. But these conditions are very different from
those in which our species had been evolving previously.
It’s important to keep in mind that when viewed against the full scale of our
species’ existence, ten thousand years is but a brief moment. Even if we ignore
the roughly two million years since the emergence of our Homo lineage, in
which our direct ancestors lived in small foraging social groups, anatomically
modern humans are estimated to have existed as long as 200,000 years.
* With
the earliest evidence of agriculture dating to about 8000 BCE, the amount of
time our species has spent living in settled agricultural societies represents just 5
percent of our collective experience, at most. As recently as a few hundred years
ago, most of the planet was still occupied by foragers.
So in order to trace the deepest roots of human sexuality, it’s vital to look
beneath the thin crust of recent human history. Until agriculture, human beings
evolved in societies organized around an insistence on sharing just about
everything. But all this sharing doesn’t make anyone a noble savage. These preagricultural societies were no nobler than you are when you pay your taxes or
insurance premiums. Universal, culturally imposed sharing was simply the most
effective way for our highly social species to minimize risk. Sharing and self-
interest, as we shall see, are not mutually exclusive. Indeed, what many
anthropologists call fierce egalitarianism was the predominant pattern of social
organization around the world for many millennia before the advent of
agriculture.
But human societies changed in radical ways once they started farming and
raising domesticated animals. They organized themselves around hierarchical
political structures, private property, densely populated settlements, a radical
shift in the status of women, and other social configurations that together
represent an enigmatic disaster for our species: human population growth
mushroomed as quality of life plummeted. The shift to agriculture, wrote author
Jared Diamond, is a “catastrophe from which we have never recovered.”
6
Several types of evidence suggest our pre-agricultural (prehistoric) ancestors
lived in groups where most mature individuals would have had several ongoing
sexual relationships at any given time. Though often casual, these relationships
were not random or meaningless. Quite the opposite: they reinforced crucial
social ties holding these highly interdependent communities together.
7
We’ve found overwhelming evidence of a decidedly casual, friendly
prehistory of human sexuality echoed in our own bodies, in the habits of
remaining societies still lingering in relative isolation, and in some surprising
corners of contemporary Western culture. We’ll show how our bedroom
behavior, porn preferences, fantasies, dreams, and sexual responses all support
this reconfigured understanding of our sexual origins. Questions you’ll find
answered in the following pages include:
Why is long-term sexual fidelity so difficult for so many couples?
Why does sexual passion often fade, even as love deepens?
Why are women potentially multi-orgasmic, while men all too often reach
orgasm frustratingly quickly and then lose interest?
Is sexual jealousy an unavoidable, uncontrollable part of human nature?
Why are human testicles so much larger than those of gorillas but smaller
than those of chimps?
Can sexual frustration make us sick? How did a lack of orgasms cause one
of the most common diseases in history, and how was it treated?
A Few Million Years in a Few Pages
In a nutshell, here’s the story we tell in the following pages: A few million years
ago, our ancient ancestors (Homo erectus) shifted from a gorilla-like mating
system where an alpha male fought to win and maintain a harem of females to
one in which most males had sexual access to females. Few, if any experts
dispute the fossil evidence for this shift.
8
But we part company from those who support the standard narrative when
we look at what this shift signifies. The standard narrative holds that this is when
long-term pair bonding began in our species: if each male could have only one
female mate at a time, most males would end up with a girl to call their own.
Indeed, where there is debate about the nature of innate human sexuality, the
only two acceptable options appear to be that humans evolved to be either
monogamous (M–F) or polygynous (M–FFF+)—with the conclusion normally
being that women generally prefer the former configuration while most men
would opt for the latter.
But what about multiple mating, where most males and females have more
than one concurrent sexual relationship? Why—apart from moral disgust—is
prehistoric promiscuity not even considered, when nearly every relevant source
of evidence points in that direction?
After all, we know that the foraging societies in which human beings
evolved were small-scale, highly egalitarian groups who shared almost
everything. There is a remarkable consistency to how immediate return foragers
live—wherever they are.
* The !Kung San of Botswana have a great deal in
common with Aboriginal people living in outback Australia and tribes in remote
pockets of the Amazon rainforest. Anthropologists have demonstrated time and
again that immediate-return hunter-gatherer societies are nearly universal in their
fierce egalitarianism. Sharing is not just encouraged; it’s mandatory. Hoarding
or hiding food, for example, is considered deeply shameful, almost unforgivable
behavior in these societies.
9
Foragers divide and distribute meat equitably, breastfeed one another’s
babies, have little or no privacy from one another, and depend upon each other
for survival. As much as our social world revolves around notions of private
property and individual responsibility, theirs spins in the opposite direction,
toward group welfare, group identity, profound interrelation, and mutual
dependence.
Though this may sound like naïve New Age idealism, whining over the lost
Age of Aquarius, or a celebration of prehistoric communism, not one of these
features of pre-agricultural societies is disputed by serious scholars. The
overwhelming consensus is that egalitarian social organization is the de-facto
system for foraging societies in all environments. In fact, no other system could
work for foraging societies. Compulsory sharing is simply the best way to
distribute risk to everyone’s benefit: participation mandatory. Pragmatic? Yes.
Noble? Hardly.
We believe this sharing behavior extended to sex as well. A great deal of
research from primatology, anthropology, anatomy, and psychology points to the
same fundamental conclusion: human beings and our hominid ancestors have
spent almost all of the past few million years or so in small, intimate bands in
which most adults had several sexual relationships at any given time. This
approach to sexuality probably persisted until the rise of agriculture and private
property no more than ten thousand years ago. In addition to voluminous
scientific evidence, many explorers, missionaries, and anthropologists support
this view, having penned accounts rich with tales of orgiastic rituals, unflinching
mate sharing, and an open sexuality unencumbered by guilt or shame.
If you spend time with the primates closest to human beings, you’ll see
female chimps having intercourse dozens of times per day, with most or all of
the willing males, and rampant bonobo group sex that leaves everyone relaxed
and maintains intricate social networks. Explore contemporary human beings’
lust for particular kinds of pornography or our notorious difficulties with longterm sexual monogamy and you’ll soon stumble over relics of our hypersexual
ancestors.
Our bodies echo the same story. The human male has testicles far larger than
any monogamous primate would ever need, hanging vulnerably outside the body
where cooler temperatures help preserve stand-by sperm cells for multiple
ejaculations. He also sports the longest, thickest penis found on any primate on
the planet, as well as an embarrassing tendency to reach orgasm too quickly.
Women’s pendulous breasts (utterly unnecessary for breastfeeding children),
impossible-to-ignore cries of delight (female copulatory vocalization to the
clipboard-carrying crowd), and capacity for orgasm after orgasm all support this
vision of prehistoric promiscuity. Each of these points is a major snag in the
standard narrative.
Once people were farming the same land season after season, private
property quickly replaced communal ownership as the modus operandi in most
societies. For nomadic foragers, personal property—anything needing to be
carried—is kept to a minimum, for obvious reasons. There is little thought given
to who owns the land, or the fish in the river, or the clouds in the sky. Men (and
often, women) confront danger together. An individual male’s parental
investment, in other words—the core element of the standard narrative—tends to
be diffuse in societies like those in which we evolved, not directed toward one
particular woman and her children, as the conventional model insists.
But when people began living in settled agricultural communities, social
reality shifted deeply and irrevocably. Suddenly it became crucially important to
know where your field ended and your neighbor’s began. Remember the Tenth
Commandment: “Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house, thou shalt not
covet thy neighbour’s wife, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox,
nor his ass, nor any thing that [is] thy neighbour’s.” Clearly, the biggest loser
(aside from slaves, perhaps) in the agricultural revolution was the human female,
who went from occupying a central, respected role in foraging societies to
becoming another possession for a man to earn and defend, along with his house,
slaves, and livestock.
“The origins of farming,” says archaeologist Steven Mithen, “is the defining
event of human history—the one turning point that has resulted in modern
humans having a quite different type of lifestyle and cognition to all other
animals and past types of humans.”
10 The most important pivot point in the story
of our species, the shift to agriculture redirected the trajectory of human life
more fundamentally than the control of fire, the Magna Carta, the printing press,
the steam engine, nuclear fission, or anything else has or, perhaps, ever will.
With agriculture, virtually everything changed: the nature of status and power,
social and family structures, how humans interacted with the natural world, the
gods they worshipped, the likelihood and nature of warfare between groups,
quality of life, longevity, and certainly, the rules governing sexuality. His survey
of the relevant archaeological evidence led archaeologist Timothy Taylor, author
of The Prehistory of Sex, to state, “While hunter-gatherer sex had been modeled
on an idea of sharing and complementarity, early agriculturalist sex was
voyeuristic, repressive, homophobic, and focused on reproduction.” “Afraid of
the wild,” he concludes, “farmers set out to destroy it.”
11
Land could now be possessed, owned, and passed down the generations.
Food that had been hunted and gathered now had to be sowed, tended, harvested,
stored, defended, bought, and sold. Fences, walls, and irrigation systems had to
be built and reinforced; armies to defend it all had to be raised, fed, and
controlled. Because of private property, for the first time in the history of our
species, paternity became a crucial concern.
But the standard narrative insists that paternity certainty has always been of
utmost importance to our species, that our very genes dictate we organize our
sexual lives around it. Why, then, is the anthropological record so rich with
examples of societies where biological paternity is of little or no importance?
Where paternity is unimportant, men tend to be relatively unconcerned about
women’s sexual fidelity.
But before we get into these real-life examples, let’s take a quick trip to the
Yucatán.
PART I
On the Origin of the Specious
CHAPTER ONE
Remember the Yucatán!
The function of the imagination is not to make strange things settled, so
much as to make settled things strange.
G. K. CHESTERTON
Forget the Alamo. The Yucatán provides a more useful lesson.
It was early spring, 1519. Hernán Cortés and his men had just arrived off the
coast of the Mexican mainland. The conquistador ordered his men to bring one
of the natives to the deck of the ship, where Cortés asked him the name of this
exotic place they’d found. The man responded, “Ma c’ubah than,” which the
Spanish heard as Yucatán. Close enough. Cortés proclaimed that from that day
onward, Yucatán and any gold it contained belonged to Spain, and so on.
Four and a half centuries later, in the 1970s, linguists researching archaic
Mayan dialects concluded that Ma c’ubah than meant “I do not understand
you.”
1
Each spring, thousands of American university students celebrate with wet
T-shirt contests, foam parties, and Jell-O wrestling on the beautiful beaches of
the I Do Not Understand You Peninsula.
But confusion mistaken for knowledge isn’t limited to spring break. We all
fall into this trap. (One night, over dinner, a close friend mentioned that her
favorite Beatles song is “Hey Dude.”) Despite their years of training, even
scientific types slip into thinking they are observing something when in fact they
are simply projecting their biases and ignorance. What trips up the scientists is
the same cognitive failing we all share: it’s hard to be certain about what we
think we know, but don’t really. Having misread the map, we’re sure we know
where we are. In the face of evidence to the contrary, most of us tend to go with
our gut, but the gut can be an unreliable guide.
You Are What You Eat
Take food, for example. We all assume that our craving or disgust is due to
something about the food itself—as opposed to being an often arbitrary response
preprogrammed by our culture. We understand that Australians prefer cricket to
baseball, or that the French somehow find Gérard Depardieu sexy, but how
hungry would you have to be before you would consider plucking a moth from
the night air and popping it, frantic and dusty, into your mouth? Flap, crunch,
ooze. You could wash it down with some saliva beer. How does a plate of
sheep’s brain sound? Broiled puppy with gravy? May we interest you in pig’s
ears or shrimp heads? Perhaps a deep-fried songbird that you chew up, bones,
beak, and all? A game of cricket on a field of grass is one thing, but pan-fried
crickets over lemongrass? That’s revolting.
Or is it? If lamb chops are fine, what makes lamb brains horrible? A pig’s
shoulder, haunch, and belly are damn fine eatin’, but the ears, snout, and feet are
gross? How is lobster so different from grasshopper? Who distinguishes
delectable from disgusting, and what’s their rationale? And what about all the
exceptions? Grind up those leftover pig parts, stuff ’em in an intestine, and
you’ve got yourself respectable sausages or hot dogs. You may think bacon and
eggs just go together, like French fries and ketchup or salt and pepper. But the
combination of bacon and eggs for breakfast was dreamed up about a hundred
years ago by an advertising agency hired to sell more bacon, and the Dutch eat
their fries with mayonnaise, not ketchup.
Think it’s rational to be grossed out by eating bugs? Think again. A hundred
grams of dehydrated cricket contains 1,550 milligrams of iron, 340 milligrams of
calcium, and 25 milligrams of zinc—three minerals often missing in the diets of
the chronic poor. Insects are richer in minerals and healthy fats than beef or
pork. Freaked out by the exoskeleton, antennae, and way too many legs? Then
stick to the Turf and forget the Surf because shrimp, crabs, and lobsters are all
arthropods, just like grasshoppers. And they eat the nastiest of what sinks to the
bottom of the ocean, so don’t talk about bugs’ disgusting diets. Anyway, you
may have bug parts stuck between your teeth right now. The Food and Drug
Administration tells its inspectors to ignore insect parts in black pepper unless
they find more than 475 of them per 50 grams, on average.
2 Some estimates
suggest that Americans unknowingly eat anywhere from one to two pounds of
insects per year.
An Italian professor recently published Ecological Implications of
Minilivestock: Potential of Insects, Rodents, Frogs and Snails. (Minicowpokes
sold separately.) Writing in Slate.com, William Saletan tells us about a company
by the name of Sunrise Land Shrimp. The company’s logo: “Mmm. That’s good
Land Shrimp!” Three guesses what Land Shrimp is.
Witchetty grub tastes like nut-flavored scrambled eggs and mild mozzarella,
wrapped in a phyllo dough pastry…This is capital-D Delicious.
PETER MENZEL AND FAITH D’ALUISIO,
Man Eating Bugs
Early British travelers to Australia reported that the Aborigines they met lived
miserably and suffered from chronic famine. But the native people, like most
hunter-gatherers, were uninterested in farming. The same Europeans reporting
the widespread starvation in their letters and journals were perplexed that the
natives didn’t seem emaciated. In fact, they struck the visitors as being rather fat
and lazy. Yet, the Europeans were convinced the Aborigines were starving to
death. Why? Because they saw the native people resorting to last resorts—eating
insects, Witchetty grubs, and rats, critters that surely nobody would eat who
wasn’t starving. That this diet was nutritious, plentiful, and could taste like “nutflavored scrambled eggs and mild mozzarella” never occurred to the British,
who were no doubt homesick for haggis and clotted cream.
Good Grub. Photo: Glenn Rose and Daryl Fritz
Our point? That something feels natural or unnatural doesn’t mean it is.
Every one of the examples above, including saliva beer, is savored somewhere—
by folks who would be disgusted by much of what you eat regularly. Especially
when we’re talking about intimate, personal, biological experiences like eating
or having sex, we mustn’t forget that the familiar fingers of culture reach deep
into our minds. We can’t feel them adjusting our dials and flicking our switches,
but every culture leads its members to believe some things are naturally right
and others naturally wrong. These beliefs may feel right, but it’s a feeling we
trust at our own peril.
Like those early Europeans, each of us is constrained by our own sense of
what is normal and natural. We’re all members of one tribe or another—bonded
by culture, family, religion, class, education, employment, team affiliation, or
any number of other criteria. An essential first step in discerning the cultural
from the human is what mythologist Joseph Campbell called detribalization. We
have to recognize the various tribes we belong to and begin extricating ourselves
from the unexamined assumptions each of them mistakes for the truth.
Authorities assure us that we are jealous of our mates because such feelings
are only natural. Experts opine that women need commitment to feel sexual
intimacy because “that’s just the way they are.” Some of the most prominent
evolutionary psychologists insist that science has confirmed that we are, at base,
a jealous, possessive, murderous, and deceitful species just barely saved by our
precarious capacity to rise above our dark essence and submit to civilized
propriety. To be sure, we humans have hankerings and aversions deeper than
cultural influence, at the core of our animal being. We don’t argue that humans
are born “blank slates,” awaiting operating instructions. But how something
“feels” is far from a reliable guide to distinguishing biological truth from cultural
influence.
Go looking for a book about human nature and you’ll be confronted by Demonic
Males, Mean Genes, Sick Societies, War Before Civilization, Constant Battles,
The Dark Side of Man, and The Murderer Next Door. You’ll be lucky to escape
alive! But do these blood-splattered volumes offer a realistic depiction of
scientific truth, or a projection of contemporary assumptions and fears onto the
distant past?
In the following chapters, we reconsider these and other aspects of social
behavior, rearranging them to form a different view of our past. We believe our
model goes much farther toward explaining how we got to where we are today
and most importantly, why many, if not most, sexually dysfunctional marriages
are nobody’s fault. We’ll show why a great deal of the information we receive
about human sexuality—particularly that received from some evolutionary
psychologists—is mistaken, based upon unfounded, outdated assumptions going
back to Darwin and beyond. Too many scientists are hard at work trying to
complete the wrong puzzle, struggling to force their findings into preconceived,
culturally approved notions of what they think human sexuality should be rather
than letting the pieces of information fall where they may.
Our model might strike you as absurd, salacious, insulting, scandalous,
fascinating, depressing, illuminating, or obvious. But whether or not you are
comfortable with what we present here, we hope you’ll keep reading. We are not
advocating any particular response to the information we’ve put together.
Frankly, we’re not sure what to do with it ourselves.
Undoubtedly, some readers will react emotionally to our “scandalous” model
of human sexuality. Our interpretation of the data will be dismissed and derided
by stalwart souls defending the ramparts of the standard narrative. They’ll be
shouting, “Remember the Alamo!” But our advice, as we lead you through this
story of unwarranted assumptions, desperate conjecture, and mistaken
conclusions, is to forget the Alamo, but always remember the Yucatán.
CHAPTER TWO
What Darwin Didn’t Know About Sex
We are not here concerned with hopes or fears, only with truth as far as our
reason permits us to discover it.
CHARLES DARWIN, The Descent of Man
A fig leaf can hide many things, but a human erection isn’t one of them. The
standard narrative of the origins and nature of human sexuality claims to explain
the development of a deceitful, reluctant sort of sexual monogamy. According to
this oft-told tale, heterosexual men and women are pawns in a proxy war
directed by our opposed genetic agendas. The whole catastrophe, we’re told,
results from the basic biological designs of males and females.
* Men strain to
spread their cheap and plentiful seed far and wide (while still trying to control
one or a few females in order to increase their paternity certainty). Meanwhile,
women are guarding their limited supply of metabolically expensive eggs from
unworthy suitors. But once they’ve roped in a provider-husband, they’re quick to
hike up their skirts (when ovulating) for quick-and-dirty clandestine mating
opportunities with square-jawed men of obvious genetic superiority. It’s not a
pretty picture.
Biologist Joan Roughgarden points out that it’s an image little changed from
that described by Darwin 150 years ago. “The Darwinian narrative of sex roles is
not some quaint anachronism,” she writes. “Restated in today’s biological
jargon, the narrative is considered proven scientific fact…. Sexual selection’s
view of nature emphasizes conflict, deceit, and dirty gene pools.”
1
No less an authority than The Advice Goddess herself (syndicated columnist
Amy Alkon) voices the popularized expression of this oft-told tale: “There are a
lot of really bad places to be a single mother, but probably one of the worst ever
was 1.8 million years ago on the savannah. The ancestral women who
successfully passed their genes on to us were those who were choosy about who
they went under a bush with, weeding out the dads from the cads. Men had a
different genetic imperative—to avoid bringing home the bison for kids who
weren’t theirs—and evolved to regard girls who give it up too easily as too high
risk for anything beyond a roll on the rock pile.”
2 Note how so much fits into
this tidy package: the vulnerabilities of motherhood, separating dads from cads,
paternal investment, jealousy, and the sexual double standard. But as they say at
the airport, beware of tidy packages you didn’t pack yourself.
As for an English lady, I have almost forgotten what she is.—something
very angelic and good.
CHARLES DARWIN, in a letter from the HMS Beagle
Gentry had to be pitied. They had so few advantages in respect of love.
They could say they longed for a kiss from a bouncy wife in a vicarage
garden. They couldn’t say she roared under me and clutched my back, and
I shot my specimen to blazes.
ROGER MCDONALD, Mr. Darwin’s Shooter
The best place to begin a reassessment of our conflicted relationship with
sexuality may be with Charles Darwin himself. Darwin’s brilliant work
inadvertently lent an enduring scientific patina to what is essentially anti-erotic
bias. Despite his genius, what Darwin didn’t know about sex could fill volumes.
This is one of them.
On the Origin of Species was published in 1859, a time when little was
known about human life before the classical era. Prehistory, the period we define
as the 200,000 or so years when anatomically modern people lived without
agriculture and writing, was a blank slate theorists could fill only with
conjecture. Until Darwin and others began to loosen the link between religious
doctrine and scientific truth, guesses about the distant past were restricted by
church teachings. The study of primates was in its infancy. Given the scientific
data Darwin never saw, it’s not surprising that this great thinker’s blind spots can
be as illuminating as his insights.
3
For example, Darwin’s ready acceptance of Thomas Hobbes’s still-famous
characterization of prehistoric human life as having been “solitary, poor, nasty,
brutish, and short” left these mistaken assumptions embedded in present-day
theories of human sexuality. Asked to imagine prehistoric human sex, most of us
conjure the hackneyed image of the caveman dragging a dazed woman by her
hair with one hand, a club in the other. As we’ll see, this image of prehistoric
human life is mistaken in every one of its Hobbesian details. Similarly, Darwin
incorporated Thomas Malthus’s unsubstantiated theories about the distant past
into his own theorizing, leading him to dramatic overestimations of early human
suffering (and thus, of the comparative superiority of Victorian life). These
pivotal misunderstandings persist in many contemporary evolutionary scenarios.
Though he certainly didn’t originate this narrative of the interminable tango
between randy male and choosy female, Darwin beat the drum for its supposed
“naturalness” and inevitability. He wrote passages like, “The female…with the
rarest exception, is less eager than the male…[She] requires to be courted; she is
coy, and may often be seen endeavoring for a long time to escape the male.”
While this female reticence is a key feature in the mating systems of many
mammals, it isn’t particularly applicable to human beings or, for that matter, the
primates most closely related to us.
In light of the philandering he saw going on around him, Darwin wondered
whether early humans might have been polygynists (one male mating with
several females), writing, “Judging from the social habits of man as he now
exists, and from most savages being polygamists, the most probable view is that
primeval man aboriginally lived in small communities, each with as many wives
as he could support and obtain, whom he would have jealously guarded against
all other men [emphasis added].”
4
Evolutionary psychologist Steven Pinker appears to be “judging from the
social habits of man as he now exists” as well (though without Darwin’s selfawareness) when he bluntly asserts, “In all societies, sex is at least somewhat
‘dirty.’ It is conducted in private, pondered obsessively, regulated by custom and
taboo, the subject of gossip and teasing, and a trigger for jealous rage.”
5 We’ll
show that while sex is indeed “regulated by custom and taboo,” there are
multiple exceptions to every other element of Pinker’s overconfident declaration.
Like all of us, Darwin incorporated his own personal experience—or its
absence—into his assumptions about the nature of all human life. In The French
Lieutenant’s Woman, John Fowles gives a sense of the sexual hypocrisy that
characterized Darwin’s world. Nineteenth-century England, writes Fowles, was
“an age where woman was sacred; and where you could buy a thirteen-year-old
girl for a few pounds—a few shillings, if you wanted her for only an hour or
two…. Where the female body had never been so hidden from view; and where
every sculptor was judged by his ability to carve naked women…. Where it was
universally maintained that women do not have orgasms; and yet every
prostitute was taught to simulate them.”
6
In some respects, the sexual mores of Victorian Britain replicated the
mechanics of the age-defining steam engine. Blocking the flow of erotic energy
creates ever-increasing pressure which is put to work through short, controlled
bursts of productivity. Though he was wrong about a lot, it appears Sigmund
Freud got it right when he observed that “civilization” is built largely on erotic
energy that has been blocked, concentrated, accumulated, and redirected.
“To keep body and mind untainted,” explains Walter Houghton in The
Victorian Frame of Mind, “the boy was taught to view women as objects of the
greatest respect and even awe. He was to consider nice women (his sister and
mother, his future bride) as creatures more like angels than human beings—an
image wonderfully calculated not only to dissociate love from sex, but to turn
love into worship, and worship of purity.”
7 When not in the mood to worship the
purity of his sisters, mother, daughters, and wife, men were expected to purge
their lust with prostitutes, rather than threatening familial and social stability by
“cheating” with “decent women.” Nineteenth-century philosopher Arthur
Schopenhauer observed that “there are 80,000 prostitutes in London alone; and
what are they if not sacrifices on the altar of monogamy?”
8
Charles Darwin was certainly not unaffected by the erotophobia of his era.
In fact, one could argue that he was especially sensitive to its influence,
inasmuch as he came of age in the intellectual shadow of his famous—and
shameless—grandfather, Erasmus Darwin, who had flouted the sexual mores of
his day by openly having children with various women and even going so far as
to celebrate group sex in his poetry.
9 The death of Charles’s mother when he was
just eight years old may well have enhanced his sense of women as angelic
creatures floating above earthly urges and appetites.
Psychiatrist John Bowlby, one of Darwin’s most highly regarded
biographers, attributes Darwin’s lifelong anxiety attacks, depression, chronic
headaches, dizziness, nausea, vomiting, and hysterical crying fits to the
separation anxiety created by the early loss of his mother. This interpretation is
supported by a strange letter the adult Charles wrote to a cousin whose wife had
just died: “Never in my life having lost one near relation,” he wrote, apparently
repressing his memories of his own mother’s death, “I daresay I cannot imagine
how severe grief such as yours must be.” Another indication of this
psychological scarring was recalled by his granddaughter, who remembered how
confused Charles had been when someone added the letter “M” to the beginning
of the word OTHER in a game similar to Scrabble. Charles looked at the board
for a long time before declaring, to everyone’s confusion, that no such word
existed.
10
A hyper-Victorian aversion to (and obsession with) the erotic seems to have
continued in Charles’s eldest surviving daughter, Henrietta. “Etty,” as she was
known, edited her father’s books, taking her blue crayon to passages she
considered inappropriate. In Charles’s biography of his free-thinking
grandfather, for example, she deleted a reference to Erasmus’s “ardent love of
women.” She also removed “offensive” passages from The Descent of Man and
Darwin’s autobiography.
Etty’s prim enthusiasm for stamping out anything sexual wasn’t limited to
the written word. She waged a bizarre little war against the so-called stinkhorn
mushroom (Phallus ravenelii) that still pops up in the woods around the Darwin
estate. Apparently, the similarity of the mushroom to the human penis was a bit
much for poor Etty. As her niece (Charles’s granddaughter) recalled years later,
“Aunt Etty…armed with a basket and a pointed stick, and wearing a special
hunting cloak and gloves,” would set out in search of the mushrooms. At the end
of the day, Aunt Etty “burn[ed them] in the deepest secrecy on the drawing room
fire with the door locked—because of the morals of the maids.”
11
He will hold thee, when his passion shall have spent its novel force,
something better than his dog, a little dearer than his horse.
ALFRED, LORD TENNYSON
Don’t get us wrong. Darwin knew plenty, and he deserves his place in the
pantheon of great thinkers. If you’re a Darwin-basher looking for support, you’ll
find little here. Charles Darwin was a genius and a gentleman for whom we have
endless respect. But as is often the case with gentleman geniuses, he was a bit
clueless when it came to women.
In questions of human sexual behavior, Darwin had little to go on other than
conjecture. His own sexual experience appears to have been limited to his
vehemently proper wife, Emma Wedgwood, who was also his first cousin.
During his circumnavigation of the globe on the Beagle, the young naturalist
appears never to have gone ashore in search of the sexual and sensual pleasures
pursued by many seafaring men of that era. Darwin was apparently far too
inhibited for the decidedly hands-on data collection Herman Melville hinted at in
his best-selling novels Typee and Omoo, or to sample the dusky South Pacific
pleasures that had inspired the sexually frustrated crew of The Bounty to mutiny.
Darwin was far too buttoned-up for such carnal pursuits. His by-the-book
approach to such matters is evident in his careful consideration of marriage in
the abstract, before he even had any particular woman in mind. He sketched out
the pros and cons in his notebook: Marry and Not Marry. On the Marry side he
listed, “Children—(if it Please God)—Constant companion, (& friend in old age)
who will feel interested in one,—object to be loved and played with.—Better
than a dog anyhow…female chit-chat…but terrible loss of time.”
On the other side of the page, Darwin listed concerns such as “Freedom to
go where one liked—choice of Society & little of it…. Not forced to visit
relatives & to bend in every trifle…fatness & idleness—Anxiety &
responsibility…. Perhaps my wife wont [sic] like London; then the sentence is
banishment & degradation into indolent, idle fool.”
12
Though Darwin proved to be a very loving husband and father, these pros
and cons of marriage suggest he very seriously considered opting for the
companionship of a dog instead.
The Flintstonization of Prehistory
“Judging from the social habits of man as he now exists” is anything but a
reliable method for understanding prehistory (though admittedly, Darwin had
little else to go on). The search for clues to the distant past among the
overwhelming detail of the immediate present tends to generate narratives closer
to self-justifying myth than to science.
The word myth has been debased and cheapened in modern usage; it’s often
used to refer to something false, a lie. But this use misses the deepest function of
myth, which is to lend narrative order to apparently disconnected bits of
information, the way constellations group impossibly distant stars into tight,
easily recognizable patterns that are simultaneously imaginary and real.
Psychologists David Feinstein and Stanley Krippner explain, “Mythology is the
loom on which [we] weave the raw materials of daily experience into a coherent
story.” This weaving becomes tricky indeed when we mythologize about the
daily experience of ancestors separated from us by twenty or thirty thousand
years or more. All too often, we inadvertently weave our own experiences into
the fabric of prehistory. We call this widespread tendency to project
contemporary cultural proclivities into the distant past “Flintstonization.”
13
Just as the Flintstones were “the modern stone-age family,” contemporary
scientific speculation concerning prehistoric human life is often distorted by
assumptions that seem to make perfect sense. But these assumptions can lead us
far from the path to truth.
Flintstonization has two parents: a lack of solid data and the psychological
need to explain, justify, and celebrate one’s own life and times. But for our
purposes, Flintstonization has at least three intellectual grandfathers: Hobbes,
Rousseau, and Malthus.
Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), a lonely, frightened war refugee in Paris, was
Flintstoned when he looked into the mists of prehistory and conjured miserable
human lives that were “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.” He conjured a
prehistory very much like the world he saw around him in seventeenth-century
Europe, yet gratifyingly worse in every respect. Propelled by a very different
psychological agenda, Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778) looked at the
suffering and filth of European societies and thought he saw the corruption of a
pristine human nature. Travelers’ tales of simple savages in the Americas fueled
his romantic fantasies. The intellectual pendulum swung back toward the
Hobbesian view a few decades later when Thomas Malthus (1766–1834)
claimed to mathematically demonstrate that extreme poverty and its attendant
desperation typify the eternal human condition. Destitution, he argued, is
intrinsic to the calculus of mammalian reproduction. As long as population
increases geometrically, doubling each generation (2, 4, 8, 16, 32, etc.), and
farmers can increase the food supply only by adding acreage arithmetically (1, 2,
3, 4, etc.), there will never—can never—be enough for everyone. Thus, Malthus
concluded that poverty is as inescapable as the wind and the rain. Nobody’s
fault. Just the way it is. This conclusion was very popular with the wealthy and
powerful, who were understandably eager to make sense of their good fortune
and justify the suffering of the poor as an unavoidable fact of life.
Darwin’s eureka moment was a gift from two terrible Thomases and one
friendly Fred: Hobbes, Malthus, and Flintstone, respectively. By articulating a
detailed (albeit erroneous) description of human nature and the sorts of lives
humans lived in prehistory, Hobbes and Malthus provided the intellectual
context for Darwin’s theory of natural selection. Unfortunately, their thoroughly
Flintstoned assumptions are fully integrated into Darwin’s thinking and persist to
the present day.
The sober tones of serious science often mask the mythical nature of what
we’re told about prehistory. And far too often, the myth is dysfunctional,
inaccurate, and self-justifying.
Our central ambition for this book is to distinguish some of the stars from
the constellations. We believe that the generally accepted myth of the origins
and nature of human sexuality is not merely factually flawed, but destructive,
sustaining a false sense of what it means to be a human being. This false
narrative distorts our sense of our capacities and needs. It amounts to false
advertising for a garment that fits almost no one. But we’re all supposed to buy
and wear it anyway.
Like all myths, this one seeks to define who and what we are and thus what
we can expect and demand from one another. For centuries, religious authorities
disseminated this defining narrative, warning of chatty serpents, deceitful
women, forbidden knowledge, and eternal agony. But more recently, it’s been
marketed to secular society as hard science.
Examples abound. Writing in the prestigious journal Science, anthropologist
Owen Lovejoy suggested, “The nuclear family and human sexual behavior may
have their ultimate origin long before the dawn of the Pleistocene [1.8 million
years ago].”
14 Well-known anthropologist Helen Fisher concurs, writing, “Is
monogamy natural?” She gives a one-word answer: “Yes.” She then continues,
“Among human beings…monogamy is the rule.”
15
Many different elements of human prehistory seem to nest neatly into each
other in the standard narrative of human sexual evolution. But remember, that
Indian seemed to answer Cortés’s question, and it seemed indisputable to Pope
Urban VIII and just about everyone else that the Earth remained solidly at the
center of the solar system. With a focus on the presumed nutritional benefits of
pair-bonding, zoologist and science writer Matt Ridley demonstrates the
seduction in this apparent unity: “Big brains needed meat…[and] food sharing
allowed a meaty diet (because it freed men to risk failure in pursuit of game)…
[and] food sharing demanded big brains (without detailed calculating memories,
you could easily be cheated by a free-loader).” So far, so good. But now Ridley
inserts the sexual steps in his dance: “The sexual division of labor promoted
monogamy (a pair bond now being an economic unit); monogamy led to
neotenous sexual selection (by putting a premium on youthfulness in mates).”
It’s a waltz, with one assumption spinning into the next, circling round and
round in “a spiral of comforting justification, proving how we came to be as we
are.”
16
Note how each element anticipates the next, all coming together in a tidy
constellation that seems to explain human sexual evolution.
The distant stars fixed in the standard constellation include:
what motivated prehuman males to “invest” in a particular female and her
children;
male sexual jealousy and the double standard concerning male versus
female sexual autonomy;
the oft-repeated “fact” that the timing of women’s ovulation is “hidden”;
the inexplicably compelling breasts of the human female;
her notorious deceptiveness and treachery, source of many country and
blues classics;
and of course, the human male’s renowned eagerness to screw anything
with legs—an equally rich source of musical material.
This is what we’re up against. It’s a song that is powerful, concise, selfreinforcing, and playing on the radio all day and all night…but still wrong, baby,
oh so wrong.
The standard narrative is about as scientifically valid as the story of Adam
and Eve. In many ways, in fact, it is a scientific retelling of the Fall into original
sin as depicted in Genesis—complete with sexual deceit, prohibited knowledge,
and guilt. It hides the truth of human sexuality behind a fig leaf of anachronistic
Victorian discretion repackaged as science. But actual—as opposed to mythical
—science has a way of peeking out from behind the fig leaf.
Charles Darwin proposed two basic mechanisms through which evolutionary
change occurs. The first, and better known, is natural selection. Economic
philosopher Herbert Spencer later coined the phrase “survival of the fittest” to
describe this mechanism, though most biologists still prefer “natural selection.”
It’s important to understand that evolution is not a process of improvement.
Natural selection simply asserts that species change as they adapt to everchanging environments. One of the chronic mistakes made by would-be social
Darwinists is to assume that evolution is a process by which human beings or
societies become better.
17
It is not.
Those organisms best able to survive in a challenging, shifting environment
live to reproduce. As survivors, their genetic code likely contains information
advantageous to their offspring in that particular environment. But the
environment can change at any moment, thus neutralizing the advantage.
Charles Darwin was far from the first to propose that some sort of evolution
was taking place in the natural world. Darwin’s grandfather, Erasmus Darwin,
had noted the process of differentiation evident in both plants and animals. The
big question was how it happened: What was the mechanism by which species
differentiated from each other? Darwin was particularly struck by the subtle
differences in the finches he’d seen on various islands in the Galápagos. This
insight suggested that environment was crucial to the process, but until later, he
had no way to explain how the environment shapes organisms over generations.
What Is Evolutionary Psychology and
Why Should You Care?
Evolutionary theory has been applied to the body pretty much since Darwin
published On the Origin of Species. He’d been sitting on his theory for decades,
fearing the controversy sure to follow its publication. If you want to know why
human beings have ears on the sides of their heads and eyes up front,
evolutionary theory can tell you, just as it can tell you why birds have their eyes
on the sides of their heads and no visible ears at all. Evolutionary theory, in other
words, offers explanations of how bodies came to be as they are.
In 1975, E. O. Wilson made a radical proposal. In a short, explosive book
called Sociobiology, Wilson argued that evolutionary theory could be, indeed
must be, applied to behavior—not just bodies. Later, to avoid rapidly
accumulating negative connotations—some associated with eugenics (founded
by Darwin’s cousin, Francis Galton)—the approach was renamed “evolutionary
psychology” (EP). Wilson proposed to bring evolutionary theory to bear on a
few “central questions…of unspeakable importance: How does the mind work,
and beyond that why does it work in such a way and not another, and from these
two considerations together, what is man’s ultimate nature?” He argued that
evolutionary theory is “the essential first hypothesis for any serious
consideration of the human condition,” and that “without it the humanities and
social sciences are the limited descriptors of surface phenomena, like astronomy
without physics, biology without chemistry, and mathematics without
algebra.”
18
Beginning with Sociobiology, and On Human Nature, a follow-up volume
Wilson published three years later, evolutionary theorists began to shift their
focus from eyes, ears, feathers, and fur to less tangible, far more contentious
issues such as love, jealousy, mate choice, war, murder, rape, and altruism. Juicy
subject matter lifted from epics and soap operas became fodder for study and
debate in respectable American universities. Evolutionary psychology was born.
It was a difficult birth. Many resented the implication that our thoughts and
feelings are as hard-wired in our genetic code as the shape of our heads or the
length of our fingers—and thus presumably as inescapable and unchangeable.
Research in EP quickly became focused on differences between men and
women, shaped by their supposedly conflicting reproductive agendas. Critics
heard overtones of racial determinism and the smug sexism that had justified
centuries of conquest, slavery, and discrimination.
Although Wilson never argued that genetic inheritance alone creates
psychological phenomena, merely that evolved tendencies influence cognition
and behavior, his moderate insights were quickly obscured by the immoderate
disputes they sparked. Many social scientists at the time believed humans to be
nearly completely cultural creatures, blank slates to be marked by society.
19 But
Wilson’s perspective was highly attractive to other academics eager to introduce
a more rigorous scientific methodology into fields they considered overly
subjective and distorted by liberal political views and wishful thinking. Decades
later, the two sides of the debate remain largely entrenched in their extreme
positions: human behavior as genetically determined versus human behavior as
socially determined. As you might expect, the truth—and the most valuable
science being done in the field—lies somewhere in between these two extremes.
Today, self-proclaimed EP “realists” argue that it’s ancient human nature
that leads us to wage war on our neighbors, deceive our spouses, and abuse our
stepchildren. They argue that rape is an unfortunate, but largely successful
reproductive strategy and that marriage amounts to a no-win struggle of
mutually assured disappointment. Romantic love is reduced to a chemical
reaction luring us into reproductive entanglements parental love keeps us from
escaping. Theirs is an all-encompassing narrative claiming to explain it all by
reducing every human interaction to the reptilian pursuit of self-interest.
20
Of course, there are many scientists working in evolutionary psychology,
primatology, evolutionary biology, and other fields who don’t sign on to the
narrative we’re critiquing in these pages, or whose paradigms overlap at some
points but differ at others. We hope they’ll forgive us if it sometimes seems we
oversimplify in order to more clearly illustrate the broad outlines of the various
paradigms without getting lost in the weeds of subtle differences. (Readers
seeking more detailed information are encouraged to consult the endnotes.)
Evolutionary psychology’s standard narrative contains several clanging
contradictions, but one of the most discordant involves female libido. Females,
we’re told again and again, are the choosy, reserved sex. Men spend their
energies trying to impress women—flaunting expensive watches, packaging
themselves in shiny new sports cars, clawing their way to positions of fame,
status, and power—all to convince coy females to part with their closely guarded
sexual favors. For women, the narrative holds that sex is about the security—
emotional and material—of the relationship, not the physical pleasure. Darwin
agreed with this view. The “coy” female who “requires to be courted” is deeply
embedded in his theory of sexual selection.
If women were as libidinous as men, we’re told, society itself would
collapse. Lord Acton was only repeating what everyone knew in 1875 when he
declared, “The majority of women, happily for them and for society, are not very
much troubled with sexual feeling of any kind.”
And yet, despite repeated assurances that women aren’t particularly sexual
creatures, in cultures around the world men have gone to extraordinary lengths
to control female libido: female genital mutilation, head-to-toe chadors,
medieval witch burnings, chastity belts, suffocating corsets, muttered insults
about “insatiable” whores, pathologizing, paternalistic medical diagnoses of
nymphomania or hysteria, the debilitating scorn heaped on any female who
chooses to be generous with her sexuality…all parts of a worldwide campaign to
keep the supposedly low-key female libido under control. Why the electrified
high-security razor-wire fence to contain a kitty-cat?
Tiresias, a prominent figure in Greek mythology, had a unique perspective on
male and female sexual pleasure.
While still a young man, Tiresias came upon two snakes entwined in
copulation. With his walking stick, he separated the amorous serpents and was
suddenly transformed into a woman.
Seven years later, the female Tiresias was walking through the forest when
she again interrupted two snakes in a private moment. Placing her staff between
them, she completed the cycle and was transformed back into a man.
This unique breadth of experience led the first couple of the Greek pantheon,
Zeus and Hera, to call upon Tiresias to resolve their long-running marital
dispute: who enjoys sex more, men or women? Zeus was sure that women did,
but Hera would hear none of it. Tiresias replied that not only did females enjoy
sex more than males, they enjoyed it nine times more!
His response incensed Hera so much that she struck Tiresias blind. Feeling
responsible for having dragged poor Tiresias into this mess, Zeus tried to make
amends by giving him the gift of prophesy. It was from this state of blinded
vision that Tiresias saw the terrible destiny of Oedipus, who unknowingly killed
his father and married his mother.
Peter of Spain, author of one of the most widely read medical books of the
thirteenth century, the Thesaurus Pauperum, was more diplomatic when
confronted with the same question. His answer (published in Quaestiones super
Viaticum) was that although it was true women experienced greater quantity of
pleasure, men’s sexual pleasure was of higher quality. Peter’s book included
ingredients for thirty-four aphrodisiacs, fifty-six prescriptions to enhance male
libido, and advice for women wanting to avoid pregnancy. Perhaps it was his
diplomacy, the birth-control advice, or his open-mindedness that led to one of
history’s strange and tragic turns. In 1276, Peter of Spain was elected Pope John
XXI, but he died just nine months later when the ceiling of his library
suspiciously collapsed on him as he slept.
Why does any of this history matter? Why is it important that we correct
widely held misconceptions about human sexual evolution?
Well, ask yourself what might change if everyone knew that women do (or,
at least, can, in the right circumstances) enjoy sex as much as men, not to
mention nine times more, as Tiresias claimed? What if Darwin was wrong about
the sexuality of the human female—led astray by his Victorian bias? What if
Victoria’s biggest secret was that men and women are both victims of false
propaganda about our true sexual natures and the war between the sexes—still
waged today—is a false-flag operation, a diversion from our common enemy?
We’re being misled and misinformed by an unfounded yet constantly
repeated mantra about the naturalness of wedded bliss, female sexual reticence,
and happily-ever-after sexual monogamy—a narrative pitting man against
woman in a tragic tango of unrealistic expectations, snowballing frustration, and
crushing disappointment. Living under this tyranny of two, as author and media
critic Laura Kipnis puts it, we carry the weight of “modern love’s central
anxiety,” namely, “the expectation that romance and sexual attraction can last a
lifetime of coupled togetherness despite much hard evidence to the contrary.”
21
We build our most sacred relationships on the battleground where evolved
appetites clash with the romantic mythology of monogamous marriage. As
Andrew J. Cherlin recounts in The Marriage-Go-Round, this unresolved conflict
between what we are and what many wish we were results in “a great turbulence
in American family life, a family flux, a coming and going of partners on a scale
seen nowhere else.” Cherlin’s research shows that “[t]here are more partners in
the personal lives of Americans than in the lives of people of any other Western
country.”
22
But we rarely dare to confront the contradiction at the heart of our mistaken
ideal of marriage head-on. And if we do? During a routine discussion of yet
another long-married politician caught with his pants down, comedian/social
critic Bill Maher asked the guests on his TV show to consider the unspoken
reality underlying many of these situations: “When a man’s been married twenty
years,” Maher said, “he doesn’t want to have sex, or his wife doesn’t want to
have sex with him. Whatever it is. What is the right answer? I mean, I know he’s
bad for cheating, but what’s the right answer? Is it—to just suck it up and live
the rest of your life passionless, and imagine somebody else when you’re having
sex with your wife the three days a year that you have sex?” After an extended,
awkward silence, one of Maher’s panelists eventually suggested, “The right
answer is to get out of the relationship…. Move on. I mean, you’re an adult.”
Another agreed, noting, “Divorce is legal in this country.” The third, normally
outspoken journalist P. J. O’Rourke, just looked down at his shoes and said
nothing.
“Move on?” Really? Is abandonment of one’s family the “adult” option for
dealing with the inherent conflict between socially sanctioned romantic ideals
and the inconvenient truths of sexual passion?
23
Darwin’s sense of the coy female wasn’t based only on his Victorian
assumptions. In addition to natural selection, he proposed a second mechanism
for evolutionary change: sexual selection. The central premise of sexual
selection is that in most mammals, the female has a much higher investment in
offspring than does the male. She’s stuck with gestation, lactation, and extended
nurturing of the young. Because of this inequality in unavoidable sacrifice,
Darwin reasoned, she is the more hesitant participant, needing to be convinced
it’s a good idea—while the male, with his slam-bam-thank-you-ma’am approach
to reproduction, is eager to do the convincing. Evolutionary psychology is
founded on the belief that male and female approaches to mating have
intrinsically conflicted agendas.
The selection of the winning bachelor typically involves male competition:
rams slamming their heads together, peacocks dragging around colorful,
predator-attracting tails, men bearing expensive gifts and vowing eternal love
over candlelight. Darwin saw sexual selection as a struggle between males for
sexual access to passive, fertile females who would submit to the victor. Given
the competitive context his theories assume, he believed “promiscuous
intercourse in a state of nature [to be] extremely improbable.” But at least one of
Darwin’s contemporaries disagreed.
Lewis Henry Morgan
To white people, he was known as Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), a railroad
lawyer with a fascination for scholarship and the ways in which societies
organize themselves.
24 The Seneca tribe of the Iroquois Nation adopted Morgan
as an adult, giving him the name Tayadaowuhkuh, which means “bridging the
gap.” At his home near Rochester, New York, Morgan spent his evenings
studying and writing, trying to bring scientific rigor to understanding the
intimate lives of people made distant by time or space. The only American
scholar to have been cited by each of the other three intellectual giants of his
century, Darwin, Freud, and Marx, many consider Morgan the most influential
social scientist of his era and the father of American anthropology. Ironically, it
may be Marx and Engels’s admiration that explains why Morgan’s work isn’t
better known today. Though he was no Marxist, Morgan doubted important
Darwinian assumptions concerning the centrality of sexual competition in the
human past. This stance was enough to offend some of Darwin’s defenders—
though not Darwin himself, who respected and admired Morgan. In fact, Morgan
and his wife spent an evening with the Darwins during a trip to England. Years
later, two of Darwin’s sons stayed with the Morgans at their home in upstate
New York.
Morgan was especially interested in the evolution of family structure and
overall social organization. Contradicting Darwinian theory, he hypothesized a
far more promiscuous sexuality as having been typical of prehistoric times. “The
husbands lived in polygyny [i.e., more than one wife], and the wives in
polyandry [i.e., more than one husband], which are seen to be as ancient as
human society. Such a family was neither unnatural nor remarkable,” he wrote.
“It would be difficult to show any other possible beginning of the family in the
primitive period.” A few pages later Morgan concludes that “there seems to be
no escape” from the conclusion that a “state of promiscuous intercourse” was
typical of prehistoric times, “although questioned by so eminent a writer as Mr.
Darwin.”
25
Morgan’s argument that prehistoric societies practiced group marriage (also
known as the primal horde or omnigamy—the latter term apparently coined by
French author Charles Fourier) so influenced Darwin’s thinking that he
admitted, “It seems certain that the habit of marriage has been gradually
developed, and that almost promiscuous intercourse was once extremely
common throughout the world.” With his characteristic courteous humility,
Darwin agreed that there were “present day tribes” where “all the men and
women in the tribe are husbands and wives to each other.” In deference to
Morgan’s scholarship, Darwin continued, “Those who have most closely studied
the subject, and whose judgment is worth much more than mine, believe that
communal marriage was the original and universal form throughout the world….
The indirect evidence in favour of this belief is extremely strong….”
26
Indeed it is. And the evidence—both direct and indirect—has grown much
stronger than Darwin, or even Morgan, could have imagined.
But first, a word about a word. Promiscuous means different things to different
people, so let’s define our terms. The Latin root is miscere, “to mix,” and that’s
how we mean it. We don’t imply any randomness in mating, as choices and
preferences still exert their influence. We looked for another term to use in this
book, one without the derogatory sneer, but the synonyms are even worse:
sluttish, wanton, whorish, fallen.
Please remember that when we describe the sexual practices in various
societies around the world, we’re describing behavior that is normal to the
people in question. In the common usage, promiscuity suggests immoral or
amoral behavior, uncaring and unfeeling. But most of the people we’ll be
describing are acting well within the bounds of what their society considers
acceptable behavior. They’re not rebels, transgressors, or utopian idealists.
Given that groups of foragers (either those still existing today or in prehistoric
times) rarely number much over 100 to 150 people, each is likely to know every
one of his or her partners deeply and intimately—probably to a much greater
degree than a modern man or woman knows his or her casual lovers.
Morgan made this point in Ancient Society, writing, “This picture of savage
life need not revolt the mind, because to them it was a form of the marriage
relation, and therefore devoid of impropriety.”
27
Biologist Alan F. Dixson, author of the most comprehensive survey of
primate sexuality (called, unsurprisingly, Primate Sexuality), makes a similar
point concerning what he prefers to call “multimale-multifemale mating
systems” typical of our closest primate relations: chimps and bonobos. He
writes, “Mating is rarely indiscriminate in multimale-multifemale primate
groups. A variety of factors, including kinship ties, social rank, sexual
attractiveness and individual sexual preferences might influence mate choice in
both sexes. It is, therefore, incorrect to label such mating systems as
promiscuous.”
28
So, if promiscuity suggests a number of ongoing, nonexclusive sexual
relationships, then yes, our ancestors were far more promiscuous than all but the
randiest among us. On the other hand, if we understand promiscuity to refer to a
lack of discrimination in choosing partners or having sex with random strangers,
then our ancestors were likely far less promiscuous than many modern humans.
For this book, promiscuity refers only to having a number of ongoing sexual
relationships at the same time. Given the contours of prehistoric life in small
bands, it’s unlikely that many of these partners would have been strangers.
CHAPTER THREE
A Closer Look at the Standard Narrative of Human
Sexual Evolution
We have good news and bad news. The good news is that the dismal vision of
human sexuality reflected in the standard narrative is mistaken. Men have not
evolved to be deceitful cads, nor have millions of years shaped women into
lying, two-timing gold-diggers. But the bad news is that the amoral agencies of
evolution have created in us a species with a secret it just can’t keep. Homo
sapiens evolved to be shamelessly, undeniably, inescapably sexual. Lusty
libertines. Rakes, rogues, and roués. Tomcats and sex kittens. Horndogs. Bitches
in heat.
1
True, some of us manage to rise above this aspect of our nature (or to sink
below it). But these preconscious impulses remain our biological baseline, our
reference point, the zero in our own personal number system. Our evolved
tendencies are considered “normal” by the body each of us occupies. Willpower
fortified with plenty of guilt, fear, shame, and mutilation of body and soul may
provide some control over these urges and impulses. Sometimes. Occasionally.
Once in a blue moon. But even when controlled, they refuse to be ignored. As
German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer pointed out, Mensch kann tun was er
will; er kann aber nicht wollen was er will. (One can choose what to do, but not
what to want.)
Acknowledged or not, these evolved yearnings persist and clamor for our
attention.
And there are costs involved in denying one’s evolved sexual nature, costs
paid by individuals, couples, families, and societies every day and every night.
They are paid in what E. O. Wilson called “the less tangible currency of human
happiness that must be spent to circumvent our natural predispositions.”
2
Whether or not our society’s investment in sexual repression is a net gain or loss
is a question for another time. For now, we’ll just suggest that trying to rise
above nature is always a risky, exhausting endeavor, often resulting in
spectacular collapse.
Any attempt to understand who we are, how we got to be this way, and what
to do about it must begin by facing up to our evolved human sexual
predispositions. Why do so many forces resist our sustained fulfillment? Why is
conventional marriage so much damned work? How has the incessant, grinding
campaign of socio-scientific insistence upon the naturalness of sexual
monogamy combined with a couple thousand years of fire and brimstone failed
to rid even the priests, preachers, politicians, and professors of their prohibited
desires? To see ourselves as we are, we must begin by acknowledging that of all
Earth’s creatures, none is as urgently, creatively, and constantly sexual as Homo
sapiens.
We don’t claim that men and women experience their eroticism in precisely
the same ways, but as Tiresias noted, both women and men find considerable
pleasure there. True, it may take most women a bit longer to get the sexual
motor running than it does men, but once warmed up, most women are fully
capable of leaving any man far behind. No doubt, males tend to be more
concerned with a woman’s looks, while most women find a man’s character
more compelling than his appearance (within limits, of course). And it’s true that
women’s biology gives them a lot more to consider before a roll in the hay.
Comedian Jerry Seinfeld sums it up in terms of fire and firemen: “The basic
conflict between men and women, sexually, is that men are like firemen. To
men, sex is an emergency, and no matter what we’re doing we can be ready in
two minutes. Women, on the other hand, are like fire. They’re very exciting, but
the conditions have to be exactly right for it to occur.”
Perhaps for many women libido is like the hunger of a gourmand. Unlike
many men, such women don’t yearn to eat just to stop the hunger. They’re
looking for particular satisfactions presented in certain ways. Where most men
can and do hunger for sex in the abstract, women report wanting narrative,
character, a reason for sex.
*
In other words, we agree with many of the
observations central to evolutionary psychology—it’s the contorted, internally
conflicted explanations for these observations that we find problematic.
Still, there are simple, logical, consistent explanations for most of these
standard observations concerning human sexuality—explanations that offer an
alternative narrative of human sexual evolution that is both parsimonious and
elegant; a revised model that requires none of the convoluted mixed strategies
and Flintstonizing intrinsic to the currently accepted story.
The standard narrative paints a dark image of our species over a much
brighter—albeit somewhat scandalous—truth. Before presenting our model in
detail, let’s take a closer look at the standard narrative, focusing on the four
major areas of research that incorporate the most widely accepted assumptions:
The relatively weak female libido
Male parental investment (MPI)
Sexual jealousy and paternity certainty
Extended receptivity and concealed (or cryptic) ovulation
How Darwin Insults Your Mother (The Dismal Science of Sexual
Economics)
What does the winning male suitor supposedly get for all his preening and
showing off? Sex. Well, not just sex, but exclusive access to a particular woman.
The standard model posits that sexual exclusivity is crucial because in
evolutionary times this was a man’s only way of ensuring his paternity.
According to evolutionary psychology, this is the grudging agreement at the
heart of the human family. Men offer goods and services (in prehistoric
environments, primarily meat, shelter, protection, and status) in exchange for
exclusive, relatively consistent sexual access. Helen Fisher called it The Sex
Contract.
Economics, often referred to as the dismal science, is never more dismal
than when applied to human sexuality. The sex contract is often explained in
terms of economic game theory in which she or he who has the most offspring
surviving to reproduce wins—because her or his “return on investment” is
highest. So, if a woman becomes pregnant by a guy who has no intention of
helping her through pregnancy or guiding the child through the high-risk early
years, she likely is squandering the time, energy, and risks of pregnancy.
According to this theory, without the help of the father, chances are much better
that the child will die before reaching sexual maturity—not to mention the
increased health risks to the pregnant or nursing mother. Prominent evolutionary
psychologist Steven Pinker calls this way of looking at human reproduction the
genetic economics of sex: “The minimum investments of a man and a woman
are…unequal,” explains Pinker, “because a child can be born to a single mother
whose husband has fled but not to a single father whose wife has fled. But the
investment of the man is greater than zero, which means that women are also
predicted to compete in the marriage market, though they should compete over
the males most likely to invest…”
3
Conversely, if a guy invests all his time, energy, and resources in a woman
who’s doing the nasty behind his back, he’s at risk of raising another man’s kids
—a total loss if his sole purpose in life is getting his own genes into the future.
And make no mistake: according to the cold logic of standard evolutionary
theory, leaving a genetic legacy is our sole purpose in life. This is why
evolutionary psychologists Margo Wilson and Martin Daly argue that men take a
decidedly proprietary view of women’s sexuality: “Men lay claim to particular
women as songbirds lay claim to territories, as lions lay claim to a kill, or as
people of both sexes lay claim to valuables,” they write. “Having located an
individually recognizable and potentially defensible resource packet, the
proprietary creature proceeds to advertise and exercise the intention of defending
it from rivals.”
4
“Baby, I love you like a lion loves his kill.” Surely, a less romantic
description of marriage has never been written.
As attentive readers may have noted, the standard narrative of heterosexual
interaction boils down to prostitution: a woman exchanges her sexual services
for access to resources. Maybe mythic resonance explains part of the huge boxoffice appeal of a film like Pretty Woman, where Richard Gere’s character trades
access to his wealth in exchange for what Julia Roberts’s character has to offer
(she plays a hooker with a heart of gold, if you missed it). Please note that what
she’s got to offer is limited to the aforementioned heart of gold, a smile as big as
Texas, a pair of long, lovely legs, and the solemn promise that they’ll open only
for him from now on. The genius of Pretty Woman lies in making explicit what’s
been implicit in hundreds of films and books. According to this theory, women
have evolved to unthinkingly and unashamedly exchange erotic pleasure for
access to a man’s wealth, protection, status, and other treasures likely to benefit
her and her children.
Darwin says your mother’s a whore. Simple as that.
Lest you think we’re being flip, we assure you that the bartering of female
fertility and fidelity in exchange for goods and services is one of the
foundational premises of evolutionary psychology. The Adapted Mind, a book
many consider to be the bible of the field, spells out the sex contract very
clearly:
A man’s sexual attractiveness to women will be a function of traits that
were correlated with high mate value in the natural environment…. The
crucial question is, What traits would have been correlated with high mate
value? Three possible answers are as follows:
The willingness and ability of a man to provide for a woman and her
children….
The willingness and ability of a man to protect a woman and her
children….
The willingness and ability of a man to engage in direct parenting
activities.
5
Now let’s review some of the most prominent research founded upon these
assumptions about men, women, family structure, and prehistoric life.
The Famously Flaccid Female Libido
The female…with the rarest exception, is less eager than the male….
CHARLES DARWIN
Women have little interest in sex, right? Despite Tiresias’s observations, until
very recently, that’s been the near-universal consensus in Western popular
culture, medicine, and evolutionary psychology. In recent years, popular culture
has begun to question women’s relative lack of interest, but as far as the standard
model is concerned, not much has changed since Dr. William Acton published
his famous thoughts on the matter in 1875, assuring his readers, “The best
mothers, wives, and managers of households know little or nothing of sexual
indulgences…. As a general rule, a modest woman seldom desires any sexual
gratification for herself. She submits to her husband, but only to please him.”
6
More recently, in his now classic work The Evolution of Human Sexuality,
psychologist Donald Symons confidently proclaimed that “among all peoples
sexual intercourse is understood to be a service or favor that females render to
males.”
7
In a foundational paper published in 1948, geneticist A. J. Bateman
wasn’t hesitant to extrapolate his findings concerning fruit fly behavior to
humans, commenting that natural selection encourages “an undiscriminating
eagerness in the males and a discriminating passivity in the females.”
8
The sheer volume of evidence amassed to convince us that women are not
particularly sexual beings is quite impressive. Hundreds, if not thousands, of
studies have claimed to confirm the flaccidity of the female libido. One of the
most cited studies in all of evolutionary psychology, published by 1989, is
typical of the genre.
9 An attractive undergraduate student volunteer walked up to
an unsuspecting student of the opposite sex (who was alone) on the campus of
Florida State University and said, “Hi, I’ve been noticing you around town
lately, and I find you very attractive. Would you go to bed with me tonight?”
About 75 percent of the young men said yes. Many of those who didn’t asked for
a “rain check.” But not one of the women approached by these attractive
strangers accepted the offer. Case closed.
Seriously, this study really is one of the best known in all of EP. Researchers
reference it to establish that women aren’t interested in casual sex, which is
important if your theory posits that women instinctively barter sex to get things
from men. After all, if they’re giving it away for free, the bottom falls out of the
market, and other women are going to have a harder time exchanging sex for
anything of value.
Male Parental Investment (MPI)
As mentioned above, underlying each of these theories, as well as evolutionary
theory in general, is the notion that life can be conceptualized in terms of
economics and game theory. The objective of the game is to send your genetic
code into the future by producing the maximum possible number of offspring
who survive and reproduce. Whether or not this dispersal leads to happiness is
irrelevant. In his best-selling survey of EP, The Moral Animal, Robert Wright
puts it succinctly, saying: “We are built to be effective animals, not happy ones.
(Of course, we’re designed to pursue happiness; and the attainment of Darwinian
goals—sex, status, and so on—often brings happiness, at least for a while.) Still,
the frequent absence of happiness is what keeps us pursuing it, and thus makes
us productive.”
10
This is a curious notion of productivity—at once overtly political and yet
presented innocently enough, as if there were only one possible meaning of
“productivity.” This perspective on life incorporates the Protestant work ethic
(that “productivity” is what makes an animal “effective”) and echoes the Old
Testament notion that life must be endured, not enjoyed. These assumptions are
embedded throughout the literature of evolutionary psychology.
Ethologist/primatologist Frans de Waal, one of the more open-minded
philosophers of human nature, calls this Calvinist sociobiology.
The female interest in quality over quantity is thought to be important in two
respects. First, she would clearly be interested in conceiving a child with a
healthy man, so as to maximize the odds that her child would survive and
prosper. “Women’s reproductive resources are precious and finite, and ancestral
women did not squander them on just any random man,” writes evolutionary
psychologist David Buss. “Obviously, women don’t consciously think that
sperm are cheap and eggs are expensive,” Buss continues, “but women in the
past who failed to exercise acumen before consenting to sex were left in the
evolutionary dust; our ancestral mothers used emotional wisdom to screen out
losers.”
11 Buss doesn’t explain why there are still so many “losers” in the gene
pool today if their ancestors were subject to such careful screening for thousands
of generations.
While a substantial amount of female parental investment is biologically
unavoidable in our species, evolutionary theorists believe that Homo sapiens is
uniquely high in male parental investment (MPI) among primates. They argue
that our high level of MPI forms the basis for the supposed universality of
marriage. As Wright puts it, “In every human culture in the anthropological
record, marriage…is the norm, and the family is the atom of social organization.
Fathers everywhere feel love for their children…. This love leads fathers to help
feed and defend their children, and teach them useful things.”
12
Biologist Tim Birkhead agrees, writing, “The issue of paternity is at the core
of much of men’s behaviour—and for good evolutionary reasons. In our
primeval past, men who invested in children which were not their own would, on
average, have left fewer descendents than those who reared only their own
genetic offspring. As a consequence men were, and continue to be, preoccupied
with paternity….”
13
For now, we’ll briefly note a few of the questionable assumptions underlying
this argument:
Every culture is organized around marriage and the nuclear family.
Human fathers that provided for only their own children would have left far
more descendants than those less selective in their material generosity.
Note how this presumes a discrete genetic basis for something as
amorphous as “preoccupation with paternity.”
In the ancestral environment, a man could know which children were
biologically his, which presumes that:
he understands that one sex act can lead to a child, and
he has 100 percent certainty of his partner’s fidelity.
A hunter could refuse to share his catch with other hungry people living in
the close-knit band of foragers (including nieces, nephews, and children of
lifelong friends) without being shamed, shunned, and banished from the
community.
So, according to the standard narrative, as male parental investment
translates into advantages for that man’s children (more food, protection, and
education—other kids be damned), women would have evolved to choose mates
with access to more of these resources and whose behavior indicated that they
would share these resources only with her and her children (indications of
selective generosity, fidelity, and sincerity).
But, according to this narrative, these two female objectives (good genes and
access to a male’s resources) create conflictive situations for men and women—
both within their relationship and with their same-sex competitors. Wright
summarizes this understanding of the situation: “High male parental investment
makes sexual selection work in two directions at once. Not only have males
evolved to compete for scarce female eggs; females have evolved to compete for
scarce male investment.”
14
“Mixed Strategies” in the War Between the Sexes
It’s no accident that the man who famously observed that power is the greatest
aphrodisiac was not, by a long shot, good-looking.
15 Often (in what we might
call the Kissinger effect), the men with the greatest access to resources and status
lack the genetic wealth signified by physical attractiveness. What’s a girl to do?
Conventional theory suggests she’ll marry a nice, rich, predictable, sincere
guy likely to pay the mortgage, change the diapers, and take out the trash—but
then cheat on him with wild, sexy, dangerous dudes, especially around the time
she’s ovulating, so she’s more likely to have lover-boy’s baby. Known as the
mixed strategy in the scientific literature, both males and females are said to
employ their own version of the dark strategy in keeping with their opposed
objectives in mating (females maximizing quality of mates and males
maximizing quantity of mating opportunities). It’s a jungle out there.
The best-known studies purporting to demonstrate the nature of these two
differing strategies are those done by David Buss and his colleagues. Their
hypothesis holds that if males and females have conflicting agendas concerning
mating behavior, the differences should appear in the ways males and females
experience sexual jealousy. These researchers found that women were
consistently more upset by thoughts of their mates’ emotional infidelity, while
men showed more anxiety concerning their mates’ sexual infidelity, as the
hypothesis predicts.
These results are often cited as confirmation of the male parental
investment–based model. They appear to reflect the differing interests the model
predicts. A woman, according to the theory, would be more upset about her
partner’s emotional involvement with another woman, as that would threaten her
vital interests more. According to the standard model, the worst-case scenario
for a prehistoric woman in this evolutionary game would be to lose access to her
man’s resources and support. If he limits himself to a meaningless sexual
dalliance with another woman (in modern terms, preferably a woman of a lower
social class or a prostitute—whom he would be unlikely to marry), this would be
far less threatening to her standard of living and that of her children. However, if
he were to fall in love with another woman and leave, the woman’s prospects
(and those of her children) would plummet.
From the man’s perspective, as noted above, the worst-case scenario would
be to spend his time and resources raising another man’s children (and
propelling someone else’s genes into the future at the expense of his own). If his
partner were to have an emotional connection with another man, but no sex, this
genetic catastrophe couldn’t happen. But if she were to have sex with another
man, even if no emotional intimacy were involved, he could find himself
unknowingly losing his evolutionary “investment.” Hence, the narrative predicts
—and the research seems to confirm—that his jealousy should have evolved to
control her sexual behavior (thus assuring paternity of the children), while her
jealousy should be oriented toward controlling his emotional behavior (thus
protecting her exclusive access to his resources).
*
As you might guess, the mixed strategy referred to earlier would follow
similar lines. The male’s mixed strategy would be to have a long-term mate,
whose sexual behavior he could control—keeping her barefoot and pregnant if
poor, foot-bound and pregnant if Chinese, or in high heels and pregnant if rich.
Meanwhile he should continue having casual (low-investment) sex with as many
other women as possible, to increase his chances of fathering more children.
This is how standard evolutionary theory posits that men evolved to be dirty,
lying bastards. According to the standard narrative, the evolved behavioral
strategy for a man is to cheat on his pregnant wife while being insanely—even
violently—jealous of her.
Charming.
Although the survival odds of any children resulting from his casual
encounters would presumably be lower than those of the children he helps raise,
this investment would still be wise for him, given the low costs he incurs (a few
drinks and a room at the Shady Grove Motor Lodge—at the hourly rate). The
woman’s mixed strategy would be to extract a long-term commitment from the
man who offers her the best access to resources, status, and protection, while still
seeking the occasional fling with rugged dudes in leather jackets who offer
genetic advantages her loving, but domesticated, mate lacks. It’s hard to decide
who comes out looking worse.
Various studies have demonstrated that women are more likely to cheat on
their husbands (to have extra-pair copulations, or EPCs) when they are ovulating
and less likely to use birth control than they are when not fertile. Furthermore,
women are likely to wear more perfume and jewelry when ovulating than at
other points in their menstrual cycle and to be attracted to more macho-looking
men (those with physical markers of more vigorous genes). These conflicting
agendas and the eternal struggle they appear to fuel—this “war between the
sexes”—is central to the dismal vision of human sexual life featured in today’s
scientific and therapeutic narratives.
As Wright summarizes, “Even with high MPI [male parental investment],
and in some ways because of it, a basic underlying dynamic between men and
women is mutual exploitation. They seem, at times, designed to make each other
miserable [emphasis added].”
16 Symons voices the same resignation in the first
lines of The Evolution of Human Sexuality:
A central theme of this book is that, with respect to sexuality, there is a
female human nature and a male human nature, and that these natures are
extraordinarily different, though the differences are to some extent masked
by the compromises heterosexual relations entail and by moral injunctions.
Men and women differ in their sexual natures because throughout the
immensely long hunting and gathering phase of human evolutionary history
the sexual desires and dispositions that were adaptive for either sex were for
the other tickets to reproductive oblivion.
17
Bleak, no? Conventional evolutionary theory assures us that all you
scheming, gold-digging women reading this are evolved to trick a trusting yet
boring guy into marrying you, only to then spray on a bunch of perfume and run
down to the local singles club to try to get pregnant by some unshaven
Neanderthal as soon as hubby falls asleep on the couch. How could you? But
before male readers start feeling superior, remember that according to the same
narrative, you evolved to woo and marry some innocent young beauty with
empty promises of undying love, fake Rolex prominent on your wrist, get her
pregnant ASAP, then start “working late” with as many secretaries as you can
manage. Nothing to be proud of, mister.
Extended Sexual Receptivity and Concealed Ovulation
Unlike her closest primate cousins, the standard human female doesn’t come
equipped with private parts that swell up to double their normal size and turn
bright red when she is about to ovulate. In fact, a foundational premise of the
standard narrative is that men have no way of knowing when a woman is fertile.
As we’re supposed to be the smartest creatures around, it’s interesting that
humans are thought to be almost unique in this ignorance. The vast majority of
other female mammals advertise when they are fertile, and are decidedly not
interested in sex at other times. Concealed ovulation is said to be a significant
human exception. Among primates, the female capacity and willingness to have
sex any time, any place is characteristic only of bonobos and humans. “Extended
receptivity” is just a scientific way of saying that women can be sexually active
throughout their menstrual cycle, whereas most mammals have sex only when it
“matters”—that is, when pregnancy can occur.
If we accept the assumption that women are not particularly interested in
sex, other than as a way to manipulate men into sharing resources, why would
human females have evolved this unusually abundant sexual capacity? Why not
reserve sex for those few days in the cycle when pregnancy is most probable, as
does practically every other mammal?
Two principal theories have been proposed to explain this phenomenon, and
they couldn’t be more different. What anthropologist Helen Fisher has called
“the classic explanation” goes like this: both concealed ovulation and extended
(or, more accurately, constant) sexual receptivity evolved among early human
females as a way of developing and cementing the pair bond by holding the
attention of a constantly horny male mate. This capacity supposedly worked in
two ways. First, because she was always available for sex, even when not
ovulating, there was no reason for him to seek other females for sexual pleasure.
Second, because her fertility was hidden, he would be motivated to stick around
all the time to maximize his own probability of impregnating her and to ensure
that no other males mated with her at any time—not just during a brief estrus
phase. Fisher says, “Silent ovulation kept a special friend in constant close
proximity, providing protection and food the female prized.”
18 Known as “mate
guarding behavior” to scientists, contemporary women might call it “that
insecure pest who never leaves me alone.”
Anthropologist Sarah Blaffer Hrdy offers a different explanation for the
unusual sexual capacity of the human female. She suggests that concealed
ovulation and extended receptivity in early hominids may have evolved not to
reassure males, but to confuse them. Having noted the tendency of newly
enthroned alpha male baboons to kill all the babies of the previous patriarch,
Hrdy hypothesized that this aspect of female sexuality may have developed as a
way of confusing paternity among various males. The female would have sex
with several males so that none of them could be certain of paternity, thus
reducing the likelihood that the next alpha male would kill offspring who could
be his.
So we’ve got Fisher’s “classic theory” proposing that women evolved their
special sexiness as a way of keeping one man’s interest, and Hrdy saying it’s all
about keeping several guys guessing. Fisher’s theory fits better with the standard
model, in which females trade sex for food, protection, and so forth. But this
explanation works only if we believe that males—including our “primitive”
ancestors—were interested in sex all the time with just one female. This
contradicts the premise that males are hell-bent on spreading their seed far and
wide, while simultaneously protecting their investment in their primary
mate/family.
Hrdy’s “seeds of confusion” theory posits that concealed ovulation and
constant receptivity would benefit a female who had multiple male partners—by
preventing them from killing her offspring and inducing them to defend or
otherwise aid her children. Hrdy’s vision of human sexual evolution puts
females directly at odds with males, who would presumably view fertile females
as “individually recognizable and potentially defensible resource packets” too
valuable to share.
Either way, as depicted in the standard narrative, human sexual prehistory
was characterized by deceit, disappointment, and despair. According to this
view, both males and females are, by nature, liars, whores, and cheats. At our
most basic levels, we’re told, heterosexual men and women have evolved to trick
one another while selfishly pursuing zero-sum, mutually antagonistic genetic
agendas—even though this demands the betrayal of the people we claim to love
most sincerely.
Original sin indeed.
CHAPTER FOUR
The Ape in the Mirror
Why should our nastiness be the baggage of an apish past and our kindness
uniquely human? Why should we not seek continuity with other animals for
our ‘noble’ traits as well?
STEPHEN JAY GOULD
’Tis from the resemblance of the external actions of animals to those we
ourselves perform, that we judge their internal likewise to resemble ours;
and the same principle of reasoning, carry’d one step farther, will make us
conclude that since our internal actions resemble each other, the causes,
from which they are deriv’d, must also be resembling. When any
hypothesis, therefore, is advanc’d to explain a mental operation, which is
common to men and beasts, we must apply the same hypothesis to both.
DAVID HUME, A Treatise of Human Nature (1739–1740)
Genetically, the chimps and bonobos at the zoo are far closer to you and the
other paying customers than they are to the gorillas, orangutans, monkeys, or
anything else in a cage. Our DNA differs from that of chimps and bonobos by
roughly 1.6 percent, making us closer to them than a dog is to a fox, a whitehanded gibbon to a white-cheeked crested gibbon, an Indian elephant to an
African elephant or, for any bird-watchers who may be tuning in, a red-eyed
vireo to a white-eyed vireo.
The ancestral line leading to chimps and bonobos splits off from that leading
to humans just five to six million years ago (though inter-breeding probably
continued for a million or so years after the split), with the chimp and bonobo
lines separating somewhere between 3 million and 860,000 years ago.
1 Beyond
these two close cousins, the familial distances to other primates grow much
larger: the gorilla peeled away from the common line around nine million years
ago, orangutans 16 million, and gibbons, the only monogamous ape, took an
early exit about 22 million years ago. DNA evidence indicates that the last
common ancestor for apes and monkeys lived about 30 million years ago. If you
picture this relative genetic distance from humans geographically, with a mile
representing about 100,000 years since we last shared a common ancestor, it
might look something like this:
Homo sapiens sapiens: New York, New York.
Chimps and bonobos are practically neighbors, living within thirty miles of
each other in Bridgeport, Connecticut, and Yorktown Heights, New York.
Both just fifty miles from New York, they are well within commuting
distance of humanity.
Gorillas are enjoying cheese-steaks in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
Orangutans are in Baltimore, Maryland, doing whatever it is people do in
Baltimore.
Gibbons are busily legislating monogamy in Washington, D.C.
Old-world monkeys (baboons, macaques) are down around Roanoke,
Virginia.
Carl Linnaeus, the first to make the taxonomic distinction between humans
and chimps (in the mid-18th century), came to wish he hadn’t. This division
(Pan and Homo) is now regarded as being without scientific justification, and
many biologists advocate reclassifying humans, chimps, and bonobos together to
reflect our striking similarities.
Nicolaes Tulp, a well-known Dutch anatomist immortalized in Rembrandt’s
painting The Anatomy Lesson, produced the earliest accurate description of a
nonhuman ape’s anatomy in 1641. The body Tulp dissected so closely resembled
a human’s that he commented that “it would be hard to find one egg more like
another.” Although Tulp called his specimen an Indian Satyr, and noted that
local people called it an orangutan, contemporary primatologists who have
studied Tulp’s notes believe it was a bonobo.
2
Like us, chimps and bonobos are African great apes. Like all apes, they have
no tail. They spend a good part of their lives on the ground and are both highly
intelligent, intensely social creatures. For bonobos, a turbocharged sexuality
utterly divorced from reproduction is a central feature of social interaction and
group cohesion. Anthropologist Marvin Harris argues that bonobos get a
“reproductive payoff that compensates them for their wasteful approach to
hitting the ovulatory target.” The payoff is “a more intense form of social
cooperation between males and females” leading to “a more intensely
cooperative social group, a more secure milieu for rearing infants, and hence a
higher degree of reproductive success for sexier males and females.”
3 The
bonobo’s promiscuity, in other words, confers significant evolutionary benefits
on the apes.
The only monogamous ape, the gibbon, lives in Southeast Asia in small
family units consisting of a male/female couple and their young—isolated in a
territory of thirty to fifty square kilometers. They never leave the trees, have
little to no interaction with other gibbon groups, not much advanced intelligence
to speak of, and infrequent, reproduction-only copulation.
Monogamy is not found in any social, group-living primate except—if the
standard narrative is to be believed—us.
Anthropologist Donald Symons is as amazed as we are at frequent attempts
to argue that monogamous gibbons could serve as viable models for human
sexuality, writing, “Talk of why (or whether) humans pair bond like gibbons
strikes me as belonging to the same realm of discourse as talk of why the sea is
boiling hot and whether pigs have wings.”
4
Primates and Human Nature
If Thomas Hobbes had been offered the opportunity to design an animal that
embodied his darkest convictions about human nature, he might have come up
with something like a chimpanzee. This ape appears to confirm every dire
Hobbesian assumption about the inherent nastiness of pre-state existence.
Chimps are reported to be power-mad, jealous, quick to violence, devious, and
aggressive. Murder, organized warfare between groups, rape, and infanticide are
prominent in accounts of their behavior.
Once these chilling observations were published in the 1960s, theorists
quickly proposed the “killer ape” theory of human origins. Primatologists
Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson summarize this demonic theory in stark
terms, finding in chimpanzee behavior evidence of ancient human blood-lust,
writing, “Chimpanzee-like violence preceded and paved the way for human war,
making modern humans the dazed survivors of a continuous, 5-million-year
habit of lethal aggression.”
5
Before the chimp came to be regarded as the best living model of ancestral
human behavior, a much more distant relative, the savanna baboon, held that
position. These ground-dwelling primates are adapted to the sort of ecological
niche our ancestors likely occupied once they descended from the trees. The
baboon model was abandoned when it became clear that they lack some
fundamental human characteristics: cooperative hunting, tool use, organized
warfare, and power struggles involving complex coalition-building. Meanwhile,
Jane Goodall and others were observing these qualities in chimpanzee behavior.
Neuroscientist Robert Sapolsky—an expert on baboon behavior—notes that
“chimps are what baboons would love to be like if they had a shred of selfdiscipline.”
6
Perhaps it is not surprising, then, that so many scientists have assumed that
chimpanzees are what humans would be like with just a bit less self-discipline.
The importance of the chimpanzee in late twentieth–century models of human
nature cannot be overstated. The maps we devise (or inherit from previous
explorers) predetermine where we explore and what we’ll find there. The
cunning brutality displayed by chimpanzees, combined with the shameful cruelty
that characterizes so much of human history, appears to confirm Hobbesian
notions of human nature if left unrestrained by some greater force.
Table 1: Social Organization Among Apes
7
Bonobo Egalitarian and peaceful, bonobo communities are maintained
primarily through social bonding between females, although
females bond with males as well. Male status derives from the
mother. Bonds between son and mother are lifelong. Multimalemultifemale mating.
Chimpanzee The bonds between males are strongest and lead to constantly
shifting male coalitions. Females move through overlapping
ranges within territory patrolled by males, but don’t form strong
bonds with other females or any particular male. Multimalemultifemale mating.
Human By far the most diverse social species among the primates, there is
plentiful evidence of all types of socio-sexual bonding,
cooperation, and competition among contemporary humans.
Multimale-multifemale mating.
*
Gorilla Generally, a single dominant male (the so-called “Silverback”)
occupies a range for his family unit composed of several females
and young. Adolescent males are forced out of the group as they
reach sexual maturity. Strongest social bonds are between the male
and adult females. Polygynous mating.
Orangutan Orangutans are solitary and show little bonding of any kind. Male
orangutans do not tolerate each other’s presence. An adult male
establishes a large territory where several females live. Each has
her own range. Mating is dispersed, infrequent and often violent.
Gibbon Gibbons establish nuclear family units; each couple maintains a
territory from which other pairs are excluded. Mating is
monogamous.
Doubting the Chimpanzee Model
There are, however, some serious problems with turning to chimpanzee behavior
to understand prehistoric human societies. While chimps are extremely
hierarchical, groups of human foragers are vehemently egalitarian. Meat sharing
is precisely the occasion when chimp hierarchy is most evident, yet a successful
hunt triggers the leveling mechanisms most important to human foraging
societies. Most primatologists agree about the prominence of powerconsciousness in chimpanzees. But it may be premature to generalize from
observations made at Gombe, given that observations made at different sites—
Taï, on the Ivory Coast of western Africa, for example—suggest some wild
chimps handle the sharing of meat in ways more reminiscent of human foragers.
Primatologist Craig Stanford found that while the chimps at Gombe are “utterly
nepotistic and Machiavellian” about meat distribution, the chimps at Taï share
the meat among every individual in the hunting group, whether friend or foe,
close relative or relative stranger.
8
So, while data from the chimps studied by Goodall and others at Gombe
appear to support the idea that a ruthless and calculating selfishness is typical of
chimpanzee behavior, information from other study sites may contradict or
undermine this finding. Given the difficulties inherent in observing chimpanzee
behavior in the wild, we should be cautious about generalizing from the limited
data we have available on free-ranging chimps. And given their indisputable
intelligence and social nature, we should be equally suspicious of data collected
from captive chimps, which would appear to be no more generalizable than
human prisoner behavior would be to humans.
There are also questions concerning how violent chimps are if left undisturbed in
their natural habitat. As we discuss in Chapter 13, several factors could have
profoundly altered the chimps’ observed behavior. Cultural historian Morris
Berman explains that if we “change things such as food supplies, population
densities, and the possibilities for spontaneous group formation and dissolution,
…all hell breaks loose—no less for apes than for humans.”
9
Even if we limit ourselves to the chimpanzee model, the dark self-assurance
of modern-day neo-Hobbesian pessimists may be unfounded. Evolutionary
biologist Richard Dawkins, for example, might be a bit less certain in his
gloomy assessment of human nature: “Be warned that if you wish, as I do, to
build a society in which individuals cooperate generously and unselfishly
towards a common good, you can expect little help from biological nature. Let
us try to teach generosity and altruism, because we are born selfish.”
10 Maybe,
but cooperation runs deep in our species too. Recent findings in comparative
primate intelligence have led researchers Vanessa Woods and Brian Hare to
wonder whether an impulse toward cooperation might actually be the key to our
species-defining intelligence. They write, “Instead of getting a jump start with
the most intelligent hominids surviving to produce the next generation, as is
often suggested, it may have been the more sociable hominids—because they
were better at solving problems together—who achieved a higher level of fitness
and allowed selection to favor more sophisticated problem-solving over time.”
11
Humans got smart, they hypothesize, because our ancestors learned to cooperate.
Innately selfish or not, the effects of food provisioning and habitat depletion
on both wild chimpanzees and human foragers suggest that Dawkins and others
who argue that humans are innately aggressive, selfish beasts should be careful
about citing these chimp data in support of their case. Human groups tend to
respond to food surplus and storage with behavior like that observed in chimps:
heightened hierarchical social organization, intergroup violence, territorial
perimeter defense, and Machiavellian alliances. In other words, humans—like
chimps—tend to fight when there’s something worth fighting over. But for most
of prehistory, there was no food surplus to win or lose and no home base to
defend.
In Search of Primate Continuity
Two elements women share with bonobos are that their ovulation is hidden
from immediate detection and that they have sex throughout their cycle. But
here the similarities end. Where are our genital swellings, and where is the
sex at the drop of a hat?
FRANS DE WAAL
12
Sex was an expression of friendship: in Africa it was like holding hands….
It was friendly and fun. There was no coercion. It was offered willingly.
PAUL THEROUX
13
Whatever one concludes about chimp violence and its relevance to human
nature, our other closest primate cousin, the bonobo, offers a fascinating countermodel. Just as the chimpanzee seems to embody the Hobbesian vision of human
origins, the bonobo reflects the Rousseauian view. Although best known today
as the proponent of the Noble Savage, Rousseau’s autobiography details a
fascination with sexuality that suggests that he would have considered bonobos
kindred souls had he known of them. De Waal sums up the difference between
these two apes’ behavior by saying that “the chimpanzee resolves sexual issues
with power; the bonobo resolves power issues with sex.”
Though bonobos surpass even chimps in the frequency of their sexual
behavior, females of both species engage in multiple mating sessions in quick
succession with different males. Among chimpanzees, ovulating females mate,
on average, from six to eight times per day, and they are often eager to respond
to the mating invitations of any and all males in the group. Describing the
behavior of female chimps she monitored, primatologist Anne Pusey notes,
“Each, after mating within her natal community, visited the other community
while sexually receptive…They eagerly approached and mated with males from
the new community.”
14
Whatever the truth regarding relations between unprovisioned groups of
chimpanzees in the wild, unconscious bias rings out in passages like this one: “In
war as in romance, bonobos and chimpanzees appear to be strikingly different.
When two bonobo communities meet at a range boundary at Wamba…not only
is there no lethal aggression as sometimes occurs in chimps, there may be
socializing and even sex between females and the enemy community’s males.”
15
Enemy? When two groups of intelligent primates get together to socialize
and have sex with each other, who would think of these groups as enemies or
such a meeting as war? Note the similar assumptions in this account:
“Chimpanzees give a special call that alerts others at a distance to the presence
of food. As such, this is food sharing of sorts, but it need not be interpreted as
charitable. A caller faced with more than enough food will lose nothing by
sharing it and may benefit later when another chimpanzee reciprocates
[emphasis added].”
16
Perhaps this seemingly cooperative behavior “need not be interpreted as
charitable,” but what’s the unspoken problem with such an interpretation? Why
should we seek to explain away what looks like generosity among nonhuman
primates, or other animals in general? Is generosity a uniquely human quality?
Passages like these make one wonder why, as Gould asked, scientists are loath to
see primate continuity in our positive impulses even as many clearly yearn to
locate the roots of our aggression deep in primate past.
Just imagine that we had never heard of chimpanzees or baboons and had
known bonobos first. We would at present most likely believe that early
hominids lived in female-centered societies, in which sex served important
social functions and in which warfare was rare or absent.
FRANS DE WAAL
17
Because they live only in a remote area of dense jungle in a politically volatile
country (Democratic Republic of Congo, formerly Zaire), bonobos were one of
the last mammals to be studied in their natural habitat. Although their anatomical
differences from common chimps were noted as long ago as 1929, until
bonobos’ radically different behavior became apparent, they were considered a
subgroup of chimpanzee—often called “pygmy chimps.”
For bonobos, female status is more important than male hierarchy, but even
female rank is flexible and not binding. Bonobos have no formalized rituals of
dominance and submission like the status displays common to chimps, gorillas,
and other primates. Although status is not completely absent, primatologist
Takayoshi Kano, who has collected the most detailed information on bonobo
behavior in the wild, prefers to use the term “influential” rather than “highranking” when describing female bonobos. He believes that females are
respected out of affection, rather than because of rank. Indeed, Frans de Waal
wonders whether it’s appropriate to discuss hierarchy at all among bonobos,
noting, “If there is a female rank order, it is largely based on seniority rather than
physical intimidation: older females are generally of higher status than younger
ones.”
18
Those looking for evidence of matriarchy in human societies might ponder
the fact that among bonobos, female “dominance” doesn’t result in the sort of
male submission one might expect if it were simply an inversion of the male
power structures found among chimps and baboons. The female bonobos use
their power differently than male primates. Despite their submissive social role,
male bonobos appear to be much better off than male chimps or baboons. As
we’ll see in later discussions of female-dominated societies, human males also
tend to fare pretty well when the women are in charge. While Sapolsky chose to
study baboons because of the chronically high stress levels males suffer as a
result of their unending struggles for power, de Waal notes that bonobos
confront a different sort of existence, saying, “in view of their frequent sexual
activity and low aggression, I find it hard to imagine that males of the species
have a particularly stressful time.”
19
Crucially, humans and bonobos, but not chimps, appear to share a specific
anatomical predilection for peaceful coexistence. Both species have what’s
called a repetitive microsatellite (at gene AVPR1A) important to the release of
oxytocin. Sometimes called “nature’s ecstasy,” oxytocin is important in prosocial feelings like compassion, trust, generosity, love, and yes, eroticism. As
anthropologist and author Eric Michael Johnson explains, “It is far more
parsimonious that chimpanzees lost this repetitive microsatellite than for both
humans and bonobos to independently develop the same mutation.”
20
But there is intense resistance to the notion that relatively low levels of stress
and a surfeit of sexual freedom could have characterized the human past. Helen
Fisher acknowledges these aspects of bonobo life as well as their many
correlates in human behavior, and even makes a sly reference to Morgan’s
primal horde:
These creatures travel in mixed groups of males, females, and young….
Individuals come and go between groups, depending on the food supply,
connecting a cohesive community of several dozen animals. Here is a
primal horde…. Sex is almost a daily pastime…. Females copulate during
most of their menstrual cycles—a pattern of coitus more similar to
women’s than any other creature’s…. Bonobos engage in sex to ease
tension, to stimulate sharing during meals, to reduce stress while traveling,
and to reaffirm friendships during anxious reunions. “Make love, not war”
is clearly a bonobo scheme.
21
Fisher then asks the obvious question, “Did our ancestors do the same?” She
seems to be preparing us for an affirmative answer by noting that bonobos
“display many of the sexual habits people exhibit on the streets, in the bars and
restaurants, and behind apartment doors in New York, Paris, Moscow, and Hong
Kong.” “Prior to coitus,” she writes, “bonobos often stare deeply into each
other’s eyes.” And Fisher assures her readers that, like human beings, bonobos
“walk arm in arm, kiss each other’s hands and feet, and embrace with long, deep,
tongue-intruding French kisses.”
22
It seems that Fisher, who shares our doubts about other aspects of the
standard narrative, is about to reconfigure her arguments concerning the advent
of long-term pair bonding and other aspects of human prehistory to better reflect
these behaviors shared by bonobos and humans. Given the prominent role of
chimpanzee behavior in supporting the standard narrative, how can we not
include the equally relevant bonobo data in our conjectures concerning human
prehistory? Remember, we are genetically equidistant from chimps and
bonobos. And as Fisher notes, human sexual behavior has more in common with
bonobos’ than with that of any other creature on Earth.
But Fisher balks at acknowledging that the human sexual past could have
been like the bonobo present, explaining her last-minute 180-degree turnaround
by saying, “Bonobos have sex lives quite different from those of other apes.”
But this isn’t true because humans—whose sexual behavior is so similar to that
of bonobos, according to Fisher herself—are apes. She continues, “Bonobo
heterosexual activities also occur throughout most of the menstrual cycle. And
female bonobos resume sexual behavior within a year of parturition.” Both these
otherwise unique qualities of bonobo sexuality are shared by only one other
primate species: Homo sapiens. But still, Fisher concludes, “Because pygmy
chimps [bonobos] exhibit these extremes of primate sexuality and because
biochemical data suggest [they] emerged as recently as two million years ago, I
do not feel they make a suitable model for life as it was among hominids twenty
million years ago [emphasis added].”
23
This passage is bizarre on several levels. After writing at length about how
strikingly similar bonobo sexual behavior is to that of human beings, Fisher
executes a double backflip to conclude that they don’t make a suitable model for
our ancestors. To make matters even more confusing, she shifts the whole
discussion to twenty million years ago as if she’d been talking about the last
common ancestor of all apes as opposed to that shared by chimps, bonobos, and
humans, who diverged from a common ancestor only five million years ago. In
fact, Fisher wasn’t talking about such distant ancestors. The Anatomy of Love,
the book from which we’ve been quoting, is a beautifully written popularization
of her groundbreaking academic work on the “evolution of serial pair-bonding”
in humans (not all apes) within the past few million years. Furthermore, note
how Fisher refers to the very qualities bonobos share with humans as “extremes
of primate sexuality.”
Further hints of neo-Victorianism appear in Fisher’s description of the
transition our ancestors made from the treetops to life on land: “Perhaps our
primitive female ancestors living in the trees pursued sex with a variety of males
to keep friends. Then, when our forbears were driven onto the grasslands of
Africa some four million years ago and pair bonding evolved to raise the young,
females turned from open promiscuity to clandestine copulations, reaping the
benefits of resources and better or more varied genes as well.”
24 Fisher assumes
the advent of pair bonding four million years ago despite the absence of any
supporting evidence. Continuing this circular reasoning, she writes:
Because bonobos appear to be the smartest of the apes, because they have
many physical traits quite similar to people’s, and because these chimps
copulate with flair and frequency, some anthropologists conjecture that
bonobos are much like the African hominoid prototype, our last common
tree-dwelling ancestor. Maybe pygmy chimps are living relics of our past.
But they certainly manifest some fundamental differences in their sexual
behavior. For one thing, bonobos do not form long-term pair-bonds the way
humans do. Nor do they raise their young as husband and wife. Males do
care for infant siblings, but monogamy is no life for them. Promiscuity is
their fare.
25
Here we have crystalline expression of the Flintstonizing that can distort the
thinking of even the most informed theorists on the origins of human sexual
behavior. We’re confident Dr. Fisher will find that what she calls “fundamental
differences” in sexual behavior are not differences at all when she looks at the
full breadth of information we cover in following chapters. We’ll show that
husband/wife marriage and sexual monogamy are far from universal human
behaviors, as she and others have argued. Simply because bonobos raise doubts
about the naturalness of human long-term pair bonding, Fisher and most other
authorities conclude that they cannot serve as models for human evolution. They
begin by assuming that long-term sexual monogamy forms the nucleus of the
one and only natural, eternal human family structure and reason backwards from
there. Yucatán be damned!
I sometimes try to imagine what would have happened if we’d known the
bonobo first and chimpanzee only later or not at all. The discussion about
human evolution might not revolve as much around violence, warfare, and
male dominance, but rather around sexuality, empathy, caring, and
cooperation. What a different intellectual landscape we would occupy!
FRANS DE WAAL, Our Inner Ape
The weakness of the “killer ape theory” of human origins becomes clear in light
of what’s now known about bonobo behavior. Still, de Waal makes a good case
that even without the data that became available in the 1970s, the many flaws in
the chimp-fortified Hobbesian view eventually would have emerged. He calls
attention to the fact that the theory confuses predation with aggression, assumes
that tools originated as weapons, and depicts women as “passive objects of male
competition.” He calls for a new scenario that “acknowledges and explains the
virtual absence of organized warfare among today’s human foragers, their
egalitarian tendencies, and generosity with information and resources across
groups.”
26
By projecting recent post-agricultural preoccupations with female fidelity
into their vision of prehistory, many theorists have Flint-stonized their way right
into a cul-de-sac. Modern man’s seemingly instinctive impulse to control
women’s sexuality is not an intrinsic feature of human nature. It is a response to
specific historical socioeconomic conditions—conditions very different from
those in which our species evolved. This is key to understanding sexuality in the
modern world. De Waal is correct that this hierarchical, aggressive, and
territorial behavior is of recent origin for our species. It is, as we’ll see, an
adaptation to the social world that arose with agriculture.
From our perspective on the far bank, Helen Fisher, Frans de Waal, and a
few others seem to have ventured out onto the bridge that crosses over the
rushing stream of unfounded assumptions about human sexuality—but they dare
not cross it. Their positions seem, to us, to be compromises that strain against the
most parsimonious interpretation of data they know as well as anyone.
Confronted with the unignorable fact that human beings sure don’t act like a
monogamous species, they make excuses for our “aberrant” (yet perplexingly
consistent) behavior. Fisher explains the phenomenon of worldwide marital
breakdown by arguing that the pair bond evolved to last only until the infant
grows to a child who can keep up with the foraging band without fatherly
assistance. For his part, de Waal still argues that the nuclear family is
“intrinsically human” and the pair-bond is “the key to the incredible level of
cooperation that marks our species.” But he then suggestively concludes that
“our success as a species is intimately tied to the abandonment of the bonobo
lifestyle and to a tighter control over sexual expressions.”
27 “Abandonment?”
Since it’s impossible to abandon what one never had, de Waal would
presumably agree that hominid sexuality was, at some point, profoundly similar
to that of the relaxed, promiscuous bonobo—although he never says so
explicitly. Nor has he ventured to say when or why our ancestors abandoned that
way of being.
28
Table 2: Comparison of Bonobo, Chimp, and Human Socio-sexual Behavior and
Infant Development
29
Human and bonobo females copulate throughout menstrual cycle, as well
as during lactation and pregnancy. Female chimps are sexually active only
25–40 percent of their cycle.
Human and bonobo infants develop much more slowly than
chimpanzees, beginning to play with others at about 1.5 years, much later
than chimps.
Like humans, female bonobos return to the group immediately after
giving birth and copulate within months. They exhibit little fear of
infanticide, which has never been observed in bonobos—captive or freeliving.
Bonobos and humans enjoy many different copulatory positions, with
ventral-ventral (missionary position) appearing to be preferred by bonobo
females and rear-entry by males, while chimps prefer rear-entry almost
exclusively.
Bonobos and humans often gaze into each other’s eyes when copulating
and kiss each other deeply. Chimps do neither.
The vulva is located between the legs and oriented toward the front of the
body in humans and bonobos, rather than oriented toward the rear as in
chimps and other primates.
Food sharing is highly associated with sexual activity in humans and
bonobos, only moderately so in chimps.
There is a high degree of variability in potential sexual combinations in
humans and bonobos; homosexual activity is common in both, but rare in
chimps.
Genital-genital (G-G) rubbing between female bonobos appears to affirm
female bonding, is present in all bonobo populations studied (wild and
captive), and is completely absent in chimpanzees. Human data on G-G
rubbing are presently unavailable. (Attention: ambitious graduate students!)
While sexual activity in chimps and other primates appears to be primarily
reproductive, bonobos and humans utilize sexuality for social purposes
(tension reduction, bonding, conflict resolution, entertainment, etc.).
PART II
Lust in Paradise (Solitary?)
CHAPTER FIVE
Who Lost What in Paradise?
[Man] has imagined a heaven, and has left entirely out of it the supremest
of all his delights, the one ecstasy that stands first and foremost in the heart
of every individual of his race…sexual intercourse! It is as if a lost and
perishing person in a roasting desert should be told by a rescuer he might
choose and have all longed-for things but one, and he should elect to leave
out water!
MARK TWAIN, Letters from the Earth
Turns out, the Garden of Eden wasn’t really a garden at all. It was anything but a
garden: jungle, forest, wild seashore, open savanna, wind-blown tundra. Adam
and Eve weren’t kicked out of a garden. They were kicked into one.
Think about it. What’s a garden? Land under cultivation. Tended. Arranged.
Organized. Intentional. Weeds are pulled or poisoned without mercy; seeds are
selected and sown. There’s nothing free or spontaneous about such a place.
Accidents are unwelcome. But the story says that before their fall from grace,
Adam and Eve lived carefree, naked, and innocent—lacking nothing. Their
world provided what they needed: food, shelter, and companionship.
But after the Fall, the good times were over. Food, previously the gift of a
generous world, now had to be earned through hard work. Women suffered in
giving birth. And sexual pleasure—formerly guilt-free—became a source of
humiliation and shame. Although the biblical story has it that the first humans
were expelled from the garden, the narrative clearly got reversed somewhere
along the line. The curse suffered by Adam and Eve centers around the exchange
of the arguably low-stress, high-pleasure life of foragers (or bonobos) for the
dawn-to-dusk toil of a farmer in his garden. Original sin represents the attempt to
explain why on Earth our ancestors ever accepted such a raw deal.
1
The story of the Fall gives narrative structure to the traumatic transition from
the take-it-where-you-find-it hunter-gatherer existence to the arduous struggle of
agriculturalists. Contending with insects, rodents, weather, and the reluctant
Earth itself, farmers were forced to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow
rather than just finding the now-forbidden fruit and eating it hand to mouth, as
their ancestors had done forever. No wonder foragers have almost never shown
any interest in learning farming techniques from Europeans. As one forager put
it, “Why should we plant, when there are so many mongongo nuts in the world?”
Books like this one, concerning human nature, are beacons for trouble. On one
hand, everybody’s an expert. Being human, we all have opinions about human
nature. Such an understanding seems to require little more than a modicum of
common sense and some attention to our own incessant cravings and aversions.
Simple enough.
But making sense of human nature is anything but simple. Human nature has
been landscaped, replanted, weeded, fertilized, fenced off, seeded, and irrigated
as intensively as any garden or seaside golf course. Human beings have been
under cultivation longer than we’ve been cultivating anything else. Our cultures
domesticate us for obscure purposes, nurturing and encouraging certain aspects
of our behavior and tendencies while seeking to eliminate those that might be
disruptive. Agriculture, one might say, has involved the domestication of the
human being as much as of any plant or other animal.
2
Our sense of the full range of human nature, like our diet, has been steadily
reduced. No matter how nourishing it might be, anything wild gets pulled—
though as we’ll see, some of the weeds growing in us have roots reaching deep
into our shared past. Pull them if you want, but they’ll just keep coming back
again and again.
What gets cultivated—in soil and minds—is not necessarily beneficial to the
individuals in a given society. Something may benefit a culture overall, while
being disastrous to the majority of the individual members of that society.
Individuals suffer and die in wars from which a society may benefit greatly.
Industrial poisons in the air and water, globalized trade accords, genetically
modified crops…all are accepted by individuals likely to end up losing in the
deal.
This disconnect between individual and group interests helps explain why
the shift to agriculture is normally spun as a great leap forward, despite the fact
that it was actually a disaster for most of the individuals who endured it. Skeletal
remains taken from various regions of the world dating to the transition from
foraging to farming all tell the same story: increased famine, vitamin deficiency,
stunted growth, radical reduction in life span, increased violence…little cause
for celebration. For most people, we’ll see that the shift from foraging to farming
was less a giant leap forward than a dizzying fall from grace.
On Getting Funky and Rockin’ Round the Clock
If you ever doubt that human beings are, beyond everything, social animals,
consider that short of outright execution or physical torture, the worst
punishment in any society’s arsenal has always been exile. Having run short of
empty places to exile our worst prisoners, we’ve turned to internal exile as our
harshest punishment: solitary confinement. Sartre got it backwards when he
proclaimed, “L’enfer, c’est les autres” (Hell is other people). It’s the absence of
other people that is hellish for our species. Human beings are so desperate for
social contact that prisoners almost universally choose the company of
murderous lunatics over extended isolation. “I would rather have had the worst
companion than no companion at all,” said journalist Terry Anderson, recalling
his seven-year ordeal as a hostage in Lebanon.
3
Evolutionary theorists love to seek explanations for species’ most
outstanding features: the elk’s antlers, the giraffe’s neck, the cheetah’s
breakaway speed. These features reflect the environment in which the species
evolved and the particular niche it occupies in this environment.
What’s our species’s outstanding feature? Other than our super-sized male
genitalia (see Part IV), we’re not very impressive from a physical perspective.
With less than half our body weight, the average chimp has the strength of any
four or five mustachioed firefighters. Plenty of animals can run faster, dive
deeper, fight better, see farther, detect fainter smells, and hear tonal subtleties in
what sounds like silence to us. So what do we bring to the party? What’s so
special about human beings?
Our endlessly complex interactions with each other.
We know what you’re thinking: big brains. True, but our unique brains result
from our chatty sociability. Though debate rages concerning precisely why the
human brain grew so large so quickly, most would agree with anthropologist
Terrence W. Deacon when he writes, “The human brain has been shaped by
evolutionary processes that elaborated the capacities needed for language, and
not just by a general demand for greater intelligence.”
4
In a classic feedback loop, our big brains both serve our need for complex,
subtle communication and result from it. Language, in turn, enables our deepest,
most human feature: the ability to form and maintain a flexible,
multidimensional, adaptive social network. Before and beyond anything else,
human beings are the most social of all creatures.
We have another quality that is especially human in addition to our
disproportionately large brains and associated capacity for language. Perhaps
unsurprisingly, it is also something woven into our all-important social fabric:
our exaggerated sexuality.
No animal spends more of its allotted time on Earth fussing over sex than
Homo sapiens—not even the famously libidinous bonobo. Although we and the
bonobo both average well into the hundreds, if not thousands, of acts of
intercourse per birth—way ahead of any other primate—their “acts” are far
briefer than ours. Pair-bonded “monogamous” animals are almost always
hyposexual, having sex as the Vatican recommends: infrequently, quietly, and
for reproduction only. Human beings, regardless of religion, are at the other end
of the libidinal spectrum: hypersexuality personified.
Human beings and bonobos use eroticism for pleasure, for solidifying
friendship, and for cementing a deal (recall that historically, marriage is more
akin to a corporate merger than a declaration of eternal love). For these two
species (and apparently only these two species), nonreproductive sex is
“natural,” a defining characteristic.
5
Does all this frivolous sex make our species sound “animalistic”? It
shouldn’t. The animal world is full of species that have sex only during widely
spaced intervals when the female is ovulating. Only two species can do it week
in and week out for nonreproductive reasons: one human, the other very
humanlike. Sex for pleasure with various partners is therefore more “human”
than animal. Strictly reproductive, once-in-a-blue-moon sex is more “animal”
than human. In other words, an excessively horny monkey is acting “human,”
while a man or woman uninterested in sex more than once or twice a year would
be, strictly speaking, “acting like an animal.”
Though many strive to hide their human libidinousness from themselves and
each other, being a force of nature, it breaks through. Lots of upright, proper
Americans were scandalized by the way Elvis moved his hips when he sang
“rock and roll.” But how many realized what the phrase rock and roll meant?
Cultural historian Michael Ventura, investigating the roots of African-American
music, found that rock ’n’ roll was a term that originated in the juke joints of the
South. Long in use by the time Elvis appeared, Ventura explains the phrase
“hadn’t meant the name of a music, it meant ‘to fuck.’ ‘Rock,’ by itself, had
pretty much meant that, in those circles, since the twenties at least.” By the mid1950s, when the phrase was becoming widely used in mainstream culture,
Ventura says the disc jockeys “either didn’t know what they were saying or were
too sly to admit what they knew.”
Though crusty old Ed Sullivan would have been scandalized to realize what
he was saying when he announced this new “rock and roll all the kids are crazy
about,” examples of barely concealed sexual reference lurking just below the
surface of common American English don’t stop there. Robert Farris Thompson,
America’s most prominent historian of African art, says that funky is derived
from the Ki-Kongo lu-fuki, meaning “positive sweat” of the sort you get from
dancing or having sex, but not working. One’s mojo, which has to be “working”
to attract a lover, is Ki-Kongo for “soul.” Boogie comes from mbugi, meaning
“devilishly good.” And both jazz and jism likely derive from dinza, the KiKongo word for “to ejaculate.”
6
Forget the billions pouring in from porn. Forget all the T&A on TV, in
advertising, and in movies. Forget the love songs we sing on the way into
relationships and the blues on the way out. Even if we include none of that, the
percentage of our lives we human beings spend thinking about, planning, having,
and remembering sex is incomparably greater than that of any other creature on
the planet. Despite our relatively low reproductive potential (few women have
ever had more than a dozen or so children), our species truly can, and does, rock
around the clock.
If I had had to choose my place of birth, I would have chosen a state in
which everyone knew everyone else, so that neither the obscure tactics of
vice nor the modesty of virtue could have escaped public scrutiny and
judgment.
JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU,
“Discourse on the Origin of Inequality” (1754)
Rousseau was born in the wrong time, wrong place. If he’d been born in the
same spot twenty thousand years earlier, among the artists sketching life-sized
bulls on European cave walls, he’d have known every member of his social
world. Alternatively, born into his own era but in one of the many societies not
yet altered by agriculture, he’d have found the close-knit social world for which
he yearned. The sense of being alone—even in a crowded city—is an oddity in
human life, included, like so much else, in the agricultural package.
Looking back from his overcrowded world, Thomas Hobbes imagined that
prehistoric human life was unbearably solitary. Today, separated from countless
strangers by only thin walls, tiny earphones, and hectic schedules, we assume a
desolate sense of isolation must have weighed on our ancestors, wandering over
their windswept prehistoric landscape. But in fact, this seemingly common-sense
assumption couldn’t be more mistaken.
The social lives of foragers are characterized by a depth and intensity of
interaction few of us could imagine (or tolerate). For those of us born and raised
in societies organized around the interlocking principles of individuality,
personal space, and private property, it’s difficult to project our imaginations
into those tightly woven societies where almost all space and property is
communal, and identity is more collective than individual. From the first
morning of birth to the final mourning of death, a forager’s life is one of intense,
constant interaction, interrelation, and interdependence.
In this section, we’ll examine the first element in Hobbes’s famous dictum
about prehistoric human life. We’ll show that before the rise of the state,
prehistoric human life was far from “solitary.”

Societies Mentioned in Text
CHAPTER SIX
Who’s Your Daddies?
In view of the frequent occurrence of modern domestic groups that do not
consist of, or contain, an exclusive pair-bonded father and mother, I cannot
see why anyone should insist that our ancestors were reared in
monogamous nuclear families and that pair-bonding is more natural than
other arrangements.
MARVIN HARRIS
1
The birds and the bees are different in the Amazon. There, a woman not only
can be a little pregnant, most are. Each of the societies we’re about to discuss
shares a belief in what scientists call “partible paternity.” These groups have a
novel conception of conception: a fetus is made of accumulated semen.
Anthropologists Stephen Beckerman and Paul Valentine explain,
“Pregnancy is viewed as a matter of degree, not clearly distinguished from
gestation…all sexually active women are a little pregnant. Over time…semen
accumulates in the womb, a fetus is formed, further acts of intercourse follow,
and additional semen causes the fetus to grow more.”
2 Were a woman to stop
having sex when her periods stopped, people in these cultures believe the fetus
would stop developing.
This understanding of how semen forms a child leads to some mighty
interesting conclusions regarding “responsible” sexual behavior. Like mothers
everywhere, a woman from these societies is eager to give her child every
possible advantage in life. To this end, she’ll typically seek out sex with an
assortment of men. She’ll solicit “contributions” from the best hunters, the best
storytellers, the funniest, the kindest, the best-looking, the strongest, and so on—
in the hopes her child will literally absorb the essence of each.
Anthropologists report similar understandings of conception and fetal
development among many South American societies, ranging from simple
hunter-gatherers to horticulturalists. A partial list would include the Aché, the
Araweté, the Barí, the Canela, the Cashinahua, the Curripaco, the Ese Eja, the
Kayapó, the Kulina, the Matis, the Mehinaku, the Piaroa, the Pirahã, the Secoya,
the Siona, the Warao, the Yanomami, and the Ye’kwana—societies from
Venezuela to Bolivia. This is no ethnographic curiosity, either—a strange idea
being passed among related cultures. The same understanding is found among
cultural groups that show no evidence of contact for millennia. Nor is partible
paternity limited to South America. For example, the Lusi of Papua New Guinea
also hold that fetal development depends on multiple acts of intercourse, often
with different men. Even today, the younger Lusi, who have some sense of the
modern understanding of reproduction, agree that a person can have more than
one father.
As Beckerman and Valentine explain, “It is difficult to come to any
conclusion except that partible paternity is an ancient folk belief capable of
supporting effective families, families that provide satisfactory paternal care of
children and manage the successful rearing of children to adulthood.”
3
When an anthropologist working in Paraguay asked his Aché subjects to identify
their fathers, he was presented with a mathematical puzzle that could be solved
only with a vocabulary lesson. The 321 Aché claimed to have over six hundred
fathers. Who’s your daddies?
It turns out the Aché distinguish four different kinds of fathers. According to
the anthropologist Kim Hill, the four types of fathers are:
Miare: the father who put it in;
Peroare: the fathers who mixed it;
Momboare: those who spilled it out; and
Bykuare: the fathers who provided the child’s essence.
4
Rather than being shunned as “bastards” or “sons of bitches,” children of
multiple fathers benefit from having more than one man who takes a special
interest in them. Anthropologists have calculated that their chances of surviving
childhood are often significantly better than those of children in the same
societies with just one recognized father.
5
Far from being enraged at having his genetic legacy called into question, a
man in these societies is likely to feel gratitude to other men for pitching in to
help create and then care for a stronger baby. Far from being blinded by jealousy
as the standard narrative predicts, men in these societies find themselves bound
to one another by shared paternity for the children they’ve fathered together. As
Beckerman explains, in the worst-case scenario, this system may provide extra
security for the child: “You know that if you die, there’s some other man who
has a residual obligation to care for at least one of your children. So looking the
other way or even giving your blessing when your wife takes a lover is the only
insurance you can buy.”
6
Lest any readers feel tempted to file this sort of behavior under B.A.D.
(Bizarre And Distant), similar examples can be found quite close to home.
The Joy of S.E.Ex.
Understanding is a lot like sex; it’s got a practical purpose, but that’s not
why people do it normally.
FRANK OPPENHEIMER
Desmond Morris spent months observing a British pro soccer team in the late
1970s and early 1980s, later publishing his thoughts in a book called The Soccer
Tribe. As his title suggests, Morris found the behavior of the teammates to be
strikingly similar to what he’d encountered among tribal groups in previous
research. He noted two behaviors particularly salient in both contexts: group
leveling and nonpossessiveness.
“The first thing you notice when footballers talk among themselves,” Morris
wrote, “is the speed of their wit. Their humour is often cruel and is used to
deflate any team-mate who shows the slightest signs of egotism.” But echoes of
prehistoric egalitarianism reverberate beyond ego deflation in the locker room,
extending to sexuality as well.
“If one of them scores (sexually), he is not possessive, but is only too happy
to see his team-mates succeed with the same girl.” While this may strike some as
unfeeling, Morris assured his readers that this lack of jealousy was “simply a
measure of the extent to which selfishness is suppressed between team-mates,
both on the field and off it.”
7
For professional athletes, musicians, and their most enthusiastic female fans,
as well as both male and female members of many foraging societies,
overlapping, intersecting sexual relationships strengthen group cohesion and can
offer a measure of security in an uncertain world. Sometimes, perhaps most of
the time, human sex isn’t just about pleasure or reproduction. A casual approach
to sexual relationships in a community of adults can have important social
functions, extending far beyond mere physical gratification.
Let’s try putting this liquid libido into dry, academic terms: we hypothesize
that Socio-Erotic Exchanges (S.E.Ex. for short) strengthen the bonds among
individuals in small-scale nomadic societies (and, apparently, other highly
interdependent groups), forming a crucial, durable web of affection, affiliation,
and mutual obligation.
In evolutionary terms, it would be hard to overstate the importance of such
networks. After all, it was primarily such flexible, adaptive social groups (and
the feedback loop of brain growth and language capacities that both allowed and
resulted from them) that enabled our slow, weak, generally unimpressive species
to survive and eventually dominate the entire planet. Without frequent S.E.Ex.,
it’s doubtful that foraging bands could have maintained social equilibrium and
fecundity over the millennia. S.E.Ex. were crucial in binding adults into groups
that cared communally for children of obscure or shared paternity, each child
likely related to most or all of the men in the group (if not a father, certainly an
uncle, cousin…).
*
Because these interlocking relationships are so crucial to social cohesion,
opting out can cause problems. Writing of the Matis people, anthropologist
Philippe Erikson confirms, “Plural paternity…is more than a theoretical
possibility…. Extramarital sex is not only widely practiced and usually tolerated,
in many respects, it also appears mandatory. Married or not, one has a moral
duty to respond to the sexual advances of opposite-sex cross-cousins (real or
classificatory), under pains of being labeled ‘stingy of one’s genitals,’ a breach
of Matis ethics far more serious than plain infidelity [emphasis added].”
8
Being labeled a sexual cheapskate is no laughing matter, apparently. Erikson
writes of one young man who cowered in the anthropologist’s hut for hours,
hiding from his horny cousin, whose advances he couldn’t legitimately reject if
she tracked him down. Even more serious, during Matis tattooing festivals,
having sex with one’s customary partner(s) is expressly forbidden—under threat
of extreme punishment, even death.
9
But if it’s true that S.E.Ex. played a central role in maintaining prehistoric
social cohesion, we should find remnants of such shamelessly libidinous
behavior throughout the world, past and present. We do.
Among the Mohave, women were famous for their licentious habits and
disinclination to stick with one man.
10 Caesar (yes, that Caesar) was scandalized
to note that in Iron Age Britain, “Ten and even twelve have wives common to
them, and particularly brothers among brothers….”
11 During his three months in
Tahiti in 1769, Captain James Cook and his crew found that Tahitians “gratified
every appetite and passion before witnesses.” In an account of Cook’s voyage
first published in 1773, John Hawkesworth wrote of “[a] young man, nearly six
feet high, perform[ing] the rites of Venus with a little girl about 11 or 12 years of
age, before several of our people and a great number of natives, without the least
sense of its being indecent or improper, but, as appeared, in perfect conformity
to the custom of the place.” Some of the older islander women who were
observing this amorous display apparently called out instructions to the girl,
although Cook tells us, “Young as she was, she did not seem much to stand in
need of [them].”
12
Samuel Wallis, another ship captain who spent time in Tahiti, reported, “The
women in General are very handsome, some really great Beauties, yet their
Virtue was not proof against a Nail.” The Tahitians’ fascination with iron
resulted in a de-facto exchange of a single nail for a sexual tryst with a local
woman. By the time Wallis set sail, most of his men were sleeping on deck, as
there were no nails left from which to hang their hammocks.
13
There is a yam-harvest festival in the present-day Trobriand Islands, in
which groups of young women roam the islands “raping” men from outside their
own village, purportedly biting off their eyebrows if the men do not satisfy them.
Ancient Greece celebrated sexual license in the festivals of Aphrodisia,
Dionysia, and Lenea. In Rome, members of the cult of Bacchus hosted orgies no
fewer than five times per month, while many islands in the South Pacific are still
famous for their openness to unconstrained sexuality, despite the concerted
efforts of generations of missionaries preaching the morality of shame.
14 Many
modern-day Brazilians let it all hang out during Carnival, when they participate
in a rite of consensual nonmarital sex known as sacanagem that makes the
goings-on in New Orleans or Las Vegas look tame.
Though the eager participation of women in these activities may surprise
some readers, it has long been clear that the sources of female sexual reticence
are more cultural than biological, despite what Darwin and others have
supposed. Over fifty years ago, sex researchers Clellan Ford and Frank Beach
declared, “In those societies which have no double standard in sexual matters
and in which a variety of liaisons are permitted, the women avail themselves as
eagerly of their opportunity as do the men.”
15
Nor do the females of our closest primate cousins offer much reason to
believe the human female should be sexually reluctant due to purely biological
concerns. Instead, primatologist Meredith Small has noted that female primates
are highly attracted to novelty in mating. Unfamiliar males appear to attract
females more than known males with any other characteristic a male might offer
(high status, large size, coloration, frequent grooming, hairy chest, gold chains,
pinky ring, whatever). Small writes, “The only consistent interest seen among
the general primate population is an interest in novelty and variety…. In fact,”
she reports, “the search for the unfamiliar is documented as a female preference
more often than is any other characteristic our human eyes can perceive.”
16
Frans de Waal could have been referring to any of the previously mentioned
Amazonian societies when he wrote that the male “has no idea which
copulations may result in conception and which may not. Almost any [child]
growing up in the group could be his…. If one had to design a social system in
which fatherhood remained obscure, one could hardly do a better job than
Mother Nature did with [this] society.”
17 Though de Waal’s words are
applicable to any of the many societies who engage in ritualized extra-pair sex,
he was, in fact, writing of the bonobo, thus underscoring the sexual continuity
linking the three most closely related apes: chimps, bonobos, and their conflicted
human cousins.
In light of the hypersexuality of humans, chimps, and bonobos, one wonders
why so many insist that female sexual exclusivity has been an integral part of
human evolutionary development for over a million years. In addition to all the
direct evidence presented here, the circumstantial case against the narrative is
overwhelming.
For starters, recall that the total number of monogamous primate species that
live in large social groups is precisely zero—unless you insist on counting
humans as the one and only example of such a beast. The few monogamous
primates that do exist (out of hundreds of species) all live in the treetops.
Primates aside, only 3 percent of mammals and one in ten thousand invertebrate
species can be considered sexually monogamous. Adultery has been documented
in every ostensibly monogamous human society ever studied, and is a leading
cause of divorce all over the world today. But even in the latest editions of his
classic book The Naked Ape, the same Desmond Morris who observed soccer
players happily sharing their lovers still insists that “among humans sexual
behavior occurs almost exclusively in a pair-bonded state,” and that “adultery
reflects an imperfection in the pair-bonding mechanism.”
18
That’s a major minor “imperfection.”
As we write these words, CNN reports that six adulterers are being stoned to
death in Iran. Before the hypocritical sinners throw the first stones, the male
adulterers will be buried up to their waists. In a sickening gesture toward
chivalry, the women will be buried to their necks, presumably to bring a quicker
death to these women who dared consider their bodies their own. Such brutal
execution of sexual transgressors is anything but an oddity, historically speaking.
“Judaism, Christianity, Islam and Hinduism each share a fundamental concern
over the punishment for a woman’s sexual freedom,” says Eric Michael Johnson.
“Whereas any ‘man that committeth adultery with another man’s wife [both] the
adulterer and the adulteress shall be put to death,’ (Leviticus 20:10) but any
unmarried woman who has sexual relations with an unmarried man shall be
brought ‘to the door of her father’s house, and the men of her city shall stone her
with stones that she die’ (Deuteronomy 22:21).”
19
Yet even after centuries of such barbaric punishment, adultery persists
everywhere, without exception. As Alfred Kinsey noted back in the 1950s,
“Even in cultures which most rigorously attempt to control the female’s
extramarital coitus, it is perfectly clear that such activity does occur, and in
many instances it occurs with considerable regularity.”
20
Think about that. No group-living nonhuman primate is monogamous, and
adultery has been documented in every human culture studied—including those
in which fornicators are routinely stoned to death. In light of all this bloody
retribution, it’s hard to see how monogamy comes “naturally” to our species.
Why would so many risk their reputations, families, careers—even presidential
legacies—for something that runs against human nature? Were monogamy an
ancient, evolved trait characteristic of our species, as the standard narrative
insists, these ubiquitous transgressions would be infrequent and such horrible
enforcement unnecessary.
No creature needs to be threatened with death to act in accord with its own
nature.
The Promise of Promiscuity
Modern men and women are obsessed with the sexual; it is the only realm
of primordial adventure still left to most of us. Like apes in a zoo, we spend
our energies on the one field of play remaining; human lives otherwise are
pretty well caged in by the walls, bars, chains, and locked gates of our
industrial culture.
EDWARD ABBEY
As we consider alternate views of prehistoric human sexuality, keep in mind that
the core logic of the standard narrative pivots on two interlocking assumptions:
A prehistoric mother and child needed the meat and protection a man would
provide.
A woman would have had to offer her own sexual autonomy in exchange,
thus assuring him that it was his child he was supporting.
The standard narrative is founded upon the belief that the exchange of
protein and protection for assured paternity was the best way to increase the
odds of a child’s survival to reproductive age. Survival of offspring is, after all,
the primary engine of natural selection as described by Darwin and subsequent
theorists. But what if risk to offspring were mitigated more effectively by
behavior that encouraged the opposite arrangement? What if, rather than one
man agreeing to share his meat, protection, and status with a particular woman
and her child, sharing were generalized? What if group-wide sharing offered a
more effective approach to the risks our ancestors encountered in the prehistoric
world? And in light of these risks, what if paternity uncertainty were more
beneficial to the child’s chances of survival, as more men would take an interest
in him or her?
Again, we’re not suggesting a nobler social system, just one that might have
been better suited to meeting the challenges of prehistoric conditions and more
effective in helping people survive long enough to reproduce.
This sharing-based social life is far from uniquely human. For example,
vampire bats in Central America feed on the blood of large mammals. But not
every bat finds a meal each night. When they return to their dens, those bats who
have had a good night regurgitate blood into the mouths of bats who have not
had as much luck. Recipients of such largess are likely to return the favor when
the conditions have reversed themselves, but are less likely to give blood to bats
who have denied them in the past. As one reviewer put it, “The key to this bit for
bat process is the individual bat’s ability to remember the history of its
relationships with all other bats living in its den. This mnemonic requirement has
driven the evolution of vampire bat brains, which possess the largest neocortex
of all known bat species.”
21
We hope the thought of vampire bats coughing up (coughing down?) blood
for their non–blood relatives is graphic enough to convince you that sharing isn’t
innately “noble.” Some species, in some conditions, have simply found that
generosity is the best way to reduce risk in an uncertain ecological context.
Homo sapiens appears to have been such a species until relatively recent times.
22
The near universality of fierce egalitarianism among foragers suggests there
was really little choice for our prehistoric ancestors. Archaeologist Peter
Bogucki writes, “For Ice Age mobile hunting societies, the band model of social
organization, with its obligatory sharing of resources, was really the only way to
live.”
23
It makes perfect Darwinian sense to suppose that prehistoric humans
would choose the path that offered the best chance of survival—even if that path
required egalitarian sharing of resources rather than the self-interested hoarding
of resources many contemporary Western societies insist is basic human nature.
After all, Darwin himself believed a tribe of cooperative people would vanquish
one composed of selfish individualists.
Are we preaching far-fetched flower-power silliness? Hardly. Egalitarianism
is found in nearly all simple hunter-gatherer societies that have been studied
anywhere in the world—groups facing conditions most similar to those our
ancestors confronted 50,000 or 100,000 years ago. They’ve followed an
egalitarian path not because they are particularly noble, but because it offers
them the best chance of survival. Indeed, under these conditions, egalitarianism
may be the only way to live, as Bogucki concluded. Institutionalized sharing of
resources and sexuality spreads and minimizes risk, assures food won’t be
wasted in a world without refrigeration, eliminates the effects of male infertility,
promotes the genetic health of individuals, and assures a more secure social
environment for children and adults alike. Far from utopian romanticism,
foragers insist on egalitarianism because it works on the most practical levels.
Bonobo Beginnings
The effectiveness of sexual egalitarianism is confirmed by female bonobos, who
share many otherwise unique traits with humans and no other species. These
sexual characteristics have direct, predictable social consequences. De Waal’s
research has demonstrated, for example, that the increased sexual receptivity of
the female bonobo dramatically reduces male conflict, when compared with
other primates whose females are significantly less sexually available. The
abundance of sexual opportunity makes it less worthwhile for males to risk
injury by fighting over any particular sexual opportunity. Since alliances among
male chimps, for example, generally serve to keep competitors away from an
ovulating female, or to attain the high status that brings more mating
opportunities to a given male, the principal motivation for these unruly gangs
evaporates in the relaxing heat of bonobos’ plentiful sexual opportunity.
These same dynamics apply to human groups. Aside from “the social habits
of man as he now exists,” why presume the monogamous pair-based model of
human evolution currently favored would have been adaptive for early humans,
but not for bonobos in the jungles of central Africa? Unconstrained by cultural
restrictions, the so-called continual responsiveness of the human female would
fulfill the same function: provide plentiful sexual opportunity for males, thereby
reducing conflict and allowing larger group sizes, more extensive cooperation,
and greater security for all. As anthropologist Chris Knight puts it, “Whereas the
basic primate pattern is to deliver a periodic ‘yes’ signal against a background of
continuous sexual ‘no’, humans [and bonobos] emit a periodic ‘no’ signal
against a background of continuous ‘yes’.”
24 Here we have the same behavioral
and physiological adaptation, unique to two very closely related primates, yet
many theorists insist the adaptation must have completely different origins and
functions in each.
Based on Dewaal and Lanting (1998)
This increased social cohesion is, in fact, probably the most common
explanation for the potent combination of extended receptivity and hidden
ovulation found only in humans and bonobos.
25 But most scientists seem to see
only half of this logical connection, as in this abstract: “Females who concealed
ovulation were favored because the group in which they lived maintained a
peaceful stability that facilitated monogamy, sharing and cooperation.”
26
It’s
clear how greater female sexual availability could increase sharing, cooperation,
and peaceful stability, but why monogamy should be added to the list is a
question that not only goes unanswered but is almost never asked.
Those anthropologists willing to acknowledge the realities of human
sexuality see its social benefits clearly. Beckerman and Valentine point to the
fact that partible paternity defuses potential conflicts between men, noting that
such antagonisms tend to be unhelpful to a woman’s long-term reproductive
interests. Anthropologist Thomas Gregor reported eighty-eight ongoing affairs
among the thirty-seven adults in the Mehinaku village he studied in Brazil. In his
opinion, extramarital relationships “contribute to village cohesion,” by
“consolidating relationships between persons of different [clans]” and
“promoting enduring relationships based on mutual affection.” He found that
“many lovers are very fond of one another and regard separation as a privation to
avoid.”
27
Rather than risk overwhelming you with dozens more examples of this
community-building, conflict-reducing human sexuality, we’ll conclude with
just one more. Anthropologists William and Jean Crocker visited and studied the
Canela people—also of the Brazilian Amazon region—for more than three
decades, beginning in the late 1950s. They explain:
It is difficult for members of a modern individualistic society to imagine the
extent to which the Canela saw the group and the tribe as more important
than the individual. Generosity and sharing was the ideal, while
withholding was a social evil. Sharing possessions brought esteem. Sharing
one’s body was a direct corollary. Desiring control over one’s goods and
self was a form of stinginess. In this context, it is easy to understand why
women chose to please men and why men chose to please women who
expressed strong sexual needs. No one was so self-important that satisfying
a fellow tribesman was less gratifying than personal gain [emphasis in
original].
28
Recognized as a way to build and maintain a network of mutually beneficial
relationships, nonreproductive sex no longer requires special explanations.
Homosexuality, for example, becomes far less confusing, in that it is, as E. O.
Wilson has written, “above all a form of bonding…consistent with the greater
part of heterosexual behavior as a device that cements relationships.”
29
Paternity certainty, far from being the universal and overriding obsession of
all men everywhere and always, as the standard narrative insists, was likely a
nonissue to men who lived before agriculture and resulting concerns with
passing property through lines of paternal descent.
CHAPTER SEVEN
Mommies Dearest
The diffused sense of parental responsibility resulting from these intersecting
webs of sexual interaction extends to mothers as well as fathers. Anthropologist
Donald Pollock tells us that while the Kulina believe the fetus to have originally
been formed of accumulated semen (men’s milk, in Kulina), they attribute the
baby’s growth after birth to women’s milk. “Any number of women might nurse
the child,” he writes. “It is particularly common for a group of sisters…to share
nursing functions; it is not unknown for the mother’s mother to allow an infant
to nurse, even if the grandmother is no longer lactating, to quiet a crying child
whose mother is occupied.” When he asked whether these other women were
also mothers of the child, Pollock was told this was “obviously so.”
1
Recalling his childhood among the Dagara, in Burkina Faso, author and
psychologist Malidoma Patrice Somé remembers how freely children wandered
into houses throughout the village. Somé explains that this “gives the child a
very broad sense of belonging,” and that “everybody chips in to help raise the
child.” Apart from the many obvious benefits to parents, Somé sees distinct
psychological advantages for the children, saying, “It’s very rare that a child
feels isolated or develops psychological problems; everyone is very aware of
where he or she belongs.”
2
Though Somé’s account may sound like idealized memory, what he
describes is still standard village life in most of rural Africa, where children are
welcome to wander in and out of the homes of unrelated adults in villages.
Though a mother’s love is no doubt unique, women (and some men) the world
over are eager to coo over unrelated babies, not just their own—an eagerness
common to other social primates, none of whom, by the way, are monogamous.
This deeply felt, broadly shared willingness to care for unrelated children lives
on in the modern world: the bureaucratic ordeal of adoption rivals or exceeds the
stress and expense of childbirth, yet millions of couples eagerly pursue its
uncertain rewards.
Scientists focused only on the nuclear family miss the central role of
alloparenting in our species.
* Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, author of Mothers and Others,
laments, “Infant-sharing in other primates and in various tribal societies has
never been accorded center stage in the anthropological literature. Many people
don’t even realize it goes on. Yet…the consequences of cooperative care—in
terms of survival and biological fitness of mother and infant—turn out to be all
to the good.”
3
Darwin entertained the radical possibility that the mother-child bond may
have been less important to “barbarous” individuals than their bond with the
greater group. Commenting on the customary use of familial terms like mother,
father, son, and daughter in reference to all group members, he suggested, “The
terms employed express a connection with the tribe alone, to the exclusion of the
mother. It seems possible that the connection between the related members of
the same barbarous tribe, exposed to all sorts of danger, might be so much more
important, owing to the need of mutual protection and aid, than that between the
mother and her child….”
4
When seventeenth-century Jesuit missionary Paul Le Jeune lectured a
Montagnais Indian man about the dangers of the rampant infidelity he’d
witnessed, Le Jeune received a lesson on proper parenthood in response. The
missionary recalled, “I told him that it was not honorable for a woman to love
any one else except her husband, and that this evil being among them, he himself
was not sure that his son, who was there present, was his son. He replied, ‘Thou
hast no sense. You French people love only your own children; but we all love
all the children of our tribe.’”
5
Though it seems like common sense to most of us, our own biology-based
kinship system is another case of Flintstonization. We simply assume our own
conception of family reflects something eternal and universal in human nature.
But as we’ve seen, there isn’t even agreement among all people that one sex act
is sufficient to result in pregnancy.
The concept of one-mother-per-child is running into trouble in Western
societies too. “Motherhood is splintering,” writes William Saletan, the “human
nature expert” at Slate.com. “You can have a genetic mother, a gestational
mother, an adoptive mother, and God knows what else. When one of your moms
is Grandma, it’s even more confusing.” Speaking of surrogate mothers who
gestate another woman’s fetus, Saletan argues that it makes sense for a woman’s
mother to offer to carry the baby: “When the surrogate is Grandma, the mess is
less. Mother and daughter share a genetic bond to each other and to the child.
They’re much more likely to work things out and give the child a stable family
environment.”
6 Perhaps. Either way, with widespread adoption, stepfamilies
resulting from remarriage, and techniques such as surrogate gestation, sperm
donation, and cryogenic embryo preservation, Homo sapiens is on the fast track
away from “traditional” family structures, perhaps headed toward more flexible
arrangements reminiscent of the distant past.
Belief in partible paternity spreads fatherly feelings throughout a group, but this
is just one of many mechanisms for enhancing group solidity. Anthropologists
report numerous societies in which naming ceremonies and clan affiliations
create obligations between individuals more binding than blood relations.
Referring to the Matis people, with whom he lived, anthropologist Philippe
Erikson notes, “When it comes to defining kinship ties, relationships deriving
from naming practices have absolute priority over any other considerations, such
as genealogical connections. When conflicts arise between the two modes of
reckoning, sharing a name has precedence….”
7
Some anthropologists question whether kinship is an important concept in
band-level societies at all—however defined. They argue that since everyone in
such a small-scale society is likely to be related to each other in some way,
affinity tends to be measured in more fluid terms, such as friendship and sharing
partners.
As Darwin understood, even the most direct and immediate kinship
terminology is subject to cultural definition. “Fatherly behavior is expected of all
the males of a local clan toward all the young of the clan,” says anthropologist
Janet Chernela. “Multiple aspects of caretaking, including affection and foodgetting, are provided by all clansmen.”
8 Anthropologist Vanessa Lea notes that,
based upon her experience among the Mebengokre, “The allocation of
responsibility is socially constructed and not an objective fact….”
9 Among the
Tukanoan, “Clan brothers provide for one another’s children as a collective.
Through the pooling of the daily catch, each male regularly labors for all of the
children of a village—his own offspring as well as those of his brothers.”
10
This diffused approach to parenting isn’t limited to villages in Africa or
Amazonia. Desmond Morris recalls an afternoon he spent with a female truck
driver in Polynesia. She told him that she’d had nine children, but had given two
of them to an infertile friend. When Morris asked how the kids felt about that,
she said they didn’t mind at all, as “all of us love all of the children.” Morris
recalls, “This last point is underlined by the fact that, when we reach the
village…she passes the time by wandering over to a group of toddlers, lying
down in the grass with them and playing with them exactly as if they were her
own. They accept her instantly, without any questioning, and a passer-by would
never have guessed that they were anything other than a natural family playing
together.”
11
“A natural family.” Perhaps this easy acceptance between adults and
unrelated children, the diffuse nurturing found in societies where children refer
to all men as father and all women as mother, societies small and isolated
enough to safely assume the kindness of strangers, where overlapping sexual
relationships leave genetic paternity unknowable and of little consequence…
perhaps this is the “natural” family structure of our species.
Could it be that the atomic isolation of the husband-wife nucleus with an
orbiting child or two is in fact a culturally imposed aberration for our species—
as ill-suited to our evolved tendencies as corsets, chastity belts, and suits of
armor? Dare we ask whether mothers, fathers, and children are all being shoehorned into a family structure that suits none of us? Might the contemporary
pandemics of fracturing families, parental exhaustion, and confused, resentful
children be predictable consequences of what is, in truth, a distorted and
distorting family structure inappropriate for our species?
Nuclear Meltdown
If the independent, isolated nuclear family unit is, in fact, the structure into
which human beings most naturally configure themselves, why do contemporary
societies and religions find it necessary to prop it up with tax breaks and
supportive legislation while fiercely defending it from same-sex couples and
others proposing to marry in supposedly “nontraditional” ways? One wonders, in
fact, why marriage is a legal issue at all—apart from its relevance to immigration
and property laws. Why would something so integral to human nature require
such vigilant legal protection?
Furthermore, if the nuclear triad is so deeply embedded in our nature, why
are fewer and fewer of us choosing to live that way? In the United States, the
percentage of nuclear family households has dropped from 45 to 23.5 since the
1970s. Married couples (with and without children) accounted for roughly 84
percent of all American households in 1930, but the latest figure is just under 50
percent, while the number of unmarried couples living together has mushroomed
from about 500,000 in 1970 to more than ten times that number in 2008.
Before Bronislaw Malinowski (1884–1942), the most respected and
influential anthropologist of his day, declared the issue settled, there was plenty
of debate over whether or not the mother-father-child triad was, in fact, the
universal atomic unit of human social organization. Malinowski scoffed at
Morgan’s notion that societies could ever have been organized along nonnuclear
lines, writing:
These actors are obviously three in number at the beginning—the two
parents and their offspring…. This unquestionably correct principle has
become…the starting point for a new interpretation of Morgan’s hypothesis
of a primitive communal marriage. [They are] fully aware that groupmarriage implies group-parenthood. Yet group-parenthood [is] an almost
unthinkable hypothesis…. This conclusion has led to such capital howlers
as that “the clan marries the clan and begets the clan” and that “the clan,
like the family, is a reproductive group” [emphasis added].
12
“Unquestioningly correct principle?” “Unthinkable hypothesis?” “Capital
howlers?” Malinowski seems to have been personally offended that Morgan had
dared to doubt the universality and naturalness of the sanctified nuclear family
structure.
Meanwhile, within a few blocks of the London classrooms where he
lectured, untold numbers of infants whose existence threatened to expose the
colossal error at the heart of Malinowski’s “unquestioningly correct principle”
were being sacrificed, quite literally, in foundling hospitals. The situation was no
less horrific in the United States. In 1915, a doctor named Henry Chapin visited
ten foundling hospitals and found that in nine of them, every child died before
the age of two. Every child.
13 This dark fate awaited inconvenient children born
throughout Europe. In her memoir of middle-class life in early twentieth–century
Germany, for instance, Doris Drucker describes the village “Angelmaker,” who
received babies from unwed mothers and “starved the little children in her care
to death,” while the unwed, now childless mother was hired out as a wet nurse to
upper-class families.
14 How efficient.
Horrifying as it is to contemplate, widespread infanticide was not limited to
Malinowski’s day. For centuries, millions of European children had been passed
through discreet revolving boxes set into the walls of foundling hospitals. These
boxes were designed to protect the anonymity of the person leaving the child,
but they offered scant protection to the infant. The survival rate in those
institutions was little better than if the revolving boxes had opened directly into a
crematorium’s furnace. Far from being places of healing, these were
government-and church-approved slaughterhouses where children whose
existence might have raised inconvenient questions about the “naturalness” of
the nuclear family were disposed of in a form of industrialized infanticide.
15
In his book Eve’s Seed: Biology, the Sexes, and the Course of History, historian
Robert S. McElvaine gets off a few “capital howlers” of his own, writing, “the
general trend in human evolution is undeniably toward pair bonding and lasting
families. Pair bonding (albeit often with some backsliding, especially by men)
and the family are,” he insists, “the exceptions notwithstanding, among the traits
that characterize the human species [emphasis added].”
16
Sure, forget all the backsliding and the many exceptions, and you’ve got a
real strong case!
Despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary, Malinowski’s position
remains deeply embedded in both scientific and popular assumptions about
family structure. In fact, the whole architecture of what qualifies as family in
Western society is based on Malinowski’s insistence that each child everywhere
has always had just one father.
But if Malinowski’s position has won the day, why is poor Morgan’s
intellectual body still being regularly disinterred for further insult?
Anthropologist Laura Betzig opens a paper on conjugal dissolution (failed
marriage) by noting that Morgan’s “fantasy [of group marriage]…expired on
encountering the evidence, and a century after Morgan…the consensus is that
[monogamous] marriage comes as close to being a human universal as anything
about human behavior can.”
17 Ouch. But in truth, Morgan’s understanding of
family structure was no “fantasy.” His conclusions were based upon decades of
extensive field research and study. Later, a bit less wind in her sails, Betzig
admits that “there is still, however, no consensus as to why” marriage is so
widespread.
That’s a mystery all right. We’ll see that anthropologists find marriage
wherever they look mainly because they haven’t quite decided what it looks like.
CHAPTER EIGHT
Making a Mess of Marriage, Mating, and Monogamy
Marriage is the most natural state of man, and therefore the state in which
you are most likely to find solid Happiness.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
Love is an ideal thing, marriage a real thing; a confusion of the real with
the ideal never goes unpunished.
JOHANN WOLFGANG VON GOETHE
When Albert Einstein proclaimed that E=mc
2
, no physicists asked each other,
“What’s he mean by E?” In the hard sciences, the important stuff comes
packaged in numbers and predefined symbols. Imprecise wording rarely causes
confusion. But in more interpretive sciences such as anthropology, psychology,
and evolutionary theory, misinterpretation and misunderstanding are common.
Take the words love and lust, for example. Love and lust are as different
from each other as red wine and blue cheese, but because they can also
complement one another splendidly, they get conflated with amazing,
dumbfounding regularity.
In the literature of evolutionary psychology, in popular culture, in the
tastefully appointed offices of marriage counselors, in religious teachings, in
political discourse, and in our own mixed-up lives, lust is often mistaken for
love. Perhaps even more insidious and damaging in societies insistent on longterm, sexually exclusive monogamy, the negative form of that statement is also
true. The absence of lust is misread as indicating an absence of love (we’ll
explore this in Part V).
Experts inadvertently encourage us to confuse the two. Helen Fisher’s
Anatomy of Love, a book referenced earlier, is far more concerned with shared
parental responsibility for a child’s first few years than with the love joining the
parents to one another. But we can’t blame Fisher, as the language itself works
against clarity. We can “sleep with” someone without ever closing our eyes.
1
When we read that the politician “made love” with the prostitute, we know love
had little to do with it. When we report how many “lovers” we’ve had, are we
claiming to have been “in love” with all of them? Similarly, if we “mate” with
someone, does that make us “mates”? Show a guy a photo of a hot-looking
woman and ask him if he’d like to “mate with her.” Chances are good he’ll say
(or think), “Sure!” But chances are also high that marriage, children, and the
prospect of a long future together never entered into his decision-making
process.
Everyone knows these are arbitrary expressions for an almost infinite range
of situations and relationships—everyone, it appears, but the experts. Many
evolutionary psychologists and other researchers seem to think that “love” and
“sex” are interchangeable terms. And they throw together “copulating” and
“mating” as well. This failure to define terminology often leads to confusion and
allows cultural bias to contaminate our thinking about human sexual nature.
Let’s try to hack a path through this tangled verbal undergrowth.
Marriage: The “Fundamental Condition” of the Human Species?
The intimate male-female relationship…which zoologists have dubbed a
‘pair bond,’ is bred into our bones. I believe this is what sets us apart from
the apes more than anything else.
FRANS DE WAAL
2
The majority of husbands remind me of an orangutan trying to play the
violin.
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
The holy grail of evolutionary psychology is the “human universal.” The whole
point of the discipline is to tease out intrinsically human patterns of perception,
cognition, and behavior from those determined on a cultural or personal level:
Do you like baseball because you grew up watching games with Dad or because
the sight of small groups of men strategizing and working together on a field
connects to a primordial module in your brain? That’s the sort of question
evolutionary psychologists love to ask and aspire to answer.
Because evolutionary psychology is all about uncovering and elucidating the
so-called psychic unity of humankind—and because of the considerable political
and professional pressure to discover traits that conform to specific political
agendas—readers need to be cautious about claims concerning such universals.
Too often, the claims don’t hold up to scrutiny.
The supposed universality of human marriage—and the linked omnipresence
of the nuclear family—is a case in point. A cornerstone of the standard model of
human sexual evolution, the claim for this universal human tendency to marry
appears to be beyond question or doubt—“unquestioningly correct” in
Malinowski’s words. Though the tendency has been assumed since before
Darwin, evolutionary biologist Robert Trivers’s now-classic paper Parental
Investment and Sexual Selection, published in 1972, consolidated the position of
marriage as foundational to most theories of human sexual evolution.
3
Recall that marriage, as defined by these theories, represents the
fundamental exchange underlying human sexual evolution. In his BBC
television series The Human Animal, Desmond Morris flatly declares, “The pair
bond is the fundamental condition of the human species.” Michael Ghiglieri,
biologist and protégé of Jane Goodall, writes, “Marriage…is the ultimate human
contract. Men and women in all societies marry in nearly the same way.
Marriage,” continues Ghiglieri, “is normally a ‘permanent’ mating between a
man and a woman…with the woman nurturing the infants, while the man
supports and defends them. The institution of marriage,” he concludes, “is older
than states, churches, and laws.”
4 Oh my. The fundamental condition? The
ultimate human contract? Hard to argue with that.
But let’s try, because slippery use of the word marriage in the
anthropological literature has resulted in a huge headache for anyone trying to
understand how marriage and the nuclear family really fit into human nature—if
at all. The word, we’ll find, is used to refer to a whole slew of different
relationships.
In Female Choices, her survey of female primate sexuality, primatologist
Meredith Small writes of the confusion that resulted when the term consortship
drifted away from its original meaning—a striking parallel to the confusion over
marriage. Small explains, “The word ‘consortship’ was used initially to define
the close male-female sexual bond seen in savannah baboons and then usage of
the word spread to the relationship of other mating pairs.” This semantic leap,
says Small, was a mistake. “Researchers began to think that all primates form
consortships, and they applied the word to any short or long, exclusive or
nonexclusive mating.” This is a problem because “what was originally intended
to describe a specific male-female association that lasted during the days
surrounding ovulation became an all-inclusive word for mating…. Once a
female is described as ‘being in consort,’ no one sees the importance of her
regular copulations with other males.”
5
Biologist Joan Roughgarden has noted the same problematic application of
present-day human mating ideals to animals. She writes, “Sexual selection’s
primary literature describes extrapair parentage as ‘cheating’ on the pair bond;
the male is said to be ‘cuckolded’; offspring of extrapair parentage are said to be
‘illegitimate’; and females who do not participate in extrapair copulations are
said to be ‘faithful.’ This judgmental terminology,” concludes Roughgarden,
“amounts to applying a contemporary definition of Western marriage to
animals.”
6
Indeed, when familiar labels are applied, supporting evidence becomes far
more visible than counter-evidence in a psychological process known as
confirmation bias. Once we have a mental model, we’re much more likely to
notice and recall evidence supporting our model than evidence against it.
Contemporary medical researchers attempt to neutralize this effect by using
double-blind methodology in all serious research—where neither the researcher
nor the subject knows which pills contain the real medicine.
Without a clear definition of what they’re looking for, many anthropologists
have found marriage wherever they’ve looked. George Murdock, a central figure
in American anthropology, asserted in his classic cross-cultural anthropological
survey that the nuclear family is a “universal human social grouping.” He went
on to declare that marriage is found in every human society.
But as we’ve seen, researchers trying to describe human nature are highly
susceptible to Flintstonization: unconsciously tending to “discover” features that
look familiar, and thereby universalizing contemporary social configurations
while inadvertently blocking insight into the truth. Journalist Louis Menand
noted this tendency in a piece in The New Yorker, writing, “The sciences of
human nature tend to validate the practices and preferences of whatever regime
happens to be sponsoring them. In totalitarian regimes, dissidence is treated as a
mental illness. In apartheid regimes, interracial contact is treated as unnatural. In
free-market regimes, self-interest is treated as hardwired.”
7 Paradoxically, in
each of these cases, so-called natural behavior has to be encouraged and
unnatural aberrations punished.
The now-forgotten diseases drapetomania and dysaethesia aethiopica
illustrate this point. Both were described in 1851 by Dr. Samuel Cartwright, a
leading authority on the medical care of “Negroes” in Louisiana and a leading
thinker in the pro-slavery movement. In his article “Diseases and Peculiarities of
the Negro Race,” Dr. Cartwright explained that drapetomania was the disease
“causing Negroes to run away…the absconding from service” to their white
owners, while dysaethesia aethiopica was characterized by “hebetude of and
obtuse sensibility of the body.” He noted that slave overseers often referred to
this disease, more simply, as “rascality.”
8
Despite high-minded claims to the contrary—often couched in language
chosen to intimidate would-be dissenters (dysaethesia aethiopica!)—science all
too often grovels at the feet of the dominant cultural paradigm.
Another weakness of many of these studies is known as the “translation
paradox:” the assumption that a word (marriage, for instance) translated from
one language to another has an identical meaning.
We can agree that birds sing and bees dance only as long as we remember
that their singing and dancing has almost nothing in common with ours—from
motivation to execution. We use identical words to signify very different
behaviors. It’s the same with marriage.
People everywhere do pair off—even if just for a few hours, days, or years.
Maybe they do it to share pleasure, to make babies, to please their families, to
seal a political alliance or business deal, or just because they like each other.
When they do, the resident anthropologist standing in the shadows of love says,
“Aha, this culture practices marriage, too. It’s universal!” But many of these
relationships are as far from our sense of marriage as a string hammock is from
Grandma’s featherbed. Simply changing the jargon and referring to long-term
pair bond rather than marriage is no better. As Donald Symons put it, “The
lexicon of the English language is woefully inadequate to reflect accurately the
texture of human experience…. To shrink the present vocabulary to one phrase
—pair-bond—and to imagine that in so doing one is being scientific…is simply
to delude oneself.”
9
On Matrimonial Whoredom
Even if we overlook the ubiquitous linguistic confusion, people who consider
themselves to be married can have strikingly different notions of what their
marriage involves. The Aché of Paraguay say that a man and woman sleeping in
the same hut are married. But if one of them takes his or her hammock to
another hut, they’re not married anymore. That’s it. The original no-fault
divorce.
Among the !Kung San (also known as Ju/’hoansi) of Botswana, most girls
marry several times before they settle into a long-term relationship. For the
Curripaco of Brazil, marriage is a gradual, undefined process. One scientist who
lived with them explains, “When a woman comes to hang her hammock next to
her man and cook for him, then some younger Curripaco say they are married
(kainukana). But older informants disagree; they say they are married only when
they have demonstrated that they can support and sustain each other. Having a
baby, and going through the fast together, cements a marriage.”
10
In contemporary Saudi Arabia and Egypt, there is a form of marriage known
as Nikah Misyar (normally translated as “traveler’s marriage”). According to a
recent article from Reuters:
Misyar appeals to men of reduced means, as well as men looking for a
flexible arrangement—the husband can walk away from a misyar and can
marry other women without informing his first wife. Wealthy Muslims
sometimes contract misyar when on holiday to allow them to have sexual
relations without breaching the tenets of their faith. Suhaila Zein alAbideen, of the International Union of Muslim Scholars in Medina, said
almost 80 percent of misyar marriages end in divorce. “A woman loses all
her rights. Even how often she sees her husband is decided by his moods,”
she said.
11
In the Shia Muslim tradition, there is a similar institution called Nikah
Mut’ah (“marriage for pleasure”), in which the relationship is entered into with a
preordained termination point, like a car rental. These marriages can last
anywhere from a few minutes to several years. A man can have any number of
temporary wives at the same time (in addition to his “permanent wife”). Often
used as a religious loophole in which prostitution or casual sex can fall within
the bounds of religious requirements, there is no paperwork or ceremony
required. Is this, too, marriage?
Apart from expectations of permanence or social recognition, what about
virginity and sexual fidelity? Are they universal and integral parts of marriage,
as parental investment theory would predict? No. For many societies, virginity is
so unimportant there isn’t even a word for the concept in their language. Among
the Canela, explain Crocker and Crocker, “Virginity loss is only the first step
into full marriage for a woman.” There are several other steps needed before the
Canela society considers a couple to by truly married, including the young
woman’s gaining social acceptance through her service in a “festival men’s
society.” This premarital “service” includes sequential sex with fifteen to twenty
men. If the bride-to-be does well, she’ll earn payments of meat from the men,
which will be paid directly to her future mother-in-law on a festival day.
Cacilda Jethá (coauthor of this book) conducted a World Health
Organization study of sexual behavior among villagers in rural Mozambique in
1990. She found that the 140 men in her study group were involved with 87
women as wives, 252 other women as long-term sexual partners, and 226
additional women on an occasional basis, working out to an average of four
ongoing sexual relationships per man, not counting the unreported casual
encounters many of these men likely experienced as well.
Among the Warao, a group living in the forests of Brazil, ordinary relations
are suspended periodically and replaced by ritual relations, known as mamuse.
During these festivities, adults are free to have sex with whomever they like.
These relationships are honorable and believed to have a positive effect upon
any children that might result.
In his fascinating profile of the Pirahã and a scientist who studies them,
journalist John Colapinto reports that “though [they] do not allow marriage
outside their tribe, they have long kept their gene pool refreshed by permitting
their women to sleep with outsiders.”
12
Among the Siriono, it’s common for brothers to marry sisters, forming an
altogether different sort of Brady Bunch. The marriage itself takes place without
any sort of ceremony or ritual: no exchanges of property or vows, not even a
feast. Just rehang your hammocks next to the women’s and you’re married,
boys.
This casual approach to what anthropologists call “marriage” is anything but
unusual. Early explorers, whalers, and fur trappers of the frigid north found the
Inuit to be jaw-droppingly hospitable hosts. Imagine their confused gratitude
when they realized the village head-man was offering his own bed (wife
included) to the weary, freezing traveler. In fact, the welcome Knud Rasmussen
and others had stumbled into was a system of spouse exchange central to Inuit
culture, with clear advantages in that unforgiving climate. Erotic exchange
played an important role in linking families from distant villages in a durable
web of certain aid in times of crisis. Though the harsh ecology of the Arctic
dictated a much lower population density than the Amazon or even the Kalahari
Desert, extra-pair sexual interaction helped cement bonds that offered the same
insurance against unforeseen difficulties.
None of this behavior is considered adultery by the people involved. But
then, adultery is as slippery a term as marriage. It’s not just thy neighbor’s wife
who can lead a man astray, but thine own as well. A well-known moral guide of
the Middle Ages, the Speculum Doctrinale (Mirror of Doctrine), written by
Vincent of Beauvais, declared, “A man who loves his wife very much is an
adulterer. Any love for someone else’s wife, or too much love for one’s own, is
shameful.” The author went on to advise, “The upright man should love his wife
with his judgment, not his affections.”
13 Vincent of Beauvais would have
enjoyed the company of Daniel Defoe (of London), famous still as the author of
Robinson Crusoe. Defoe scandalized Britain in 1727 with the publication of a
nonfiction essay with the catchy title Conjugal Lewdness: or, Matrimonial
Whoredom. Apparently that title was a bit much. For a later edition, he toned it
down to A Treatise Concerning the Use and Abuse of the Marriage Bed. This
was no desert island adventure but a moralizing lecture on the physical and
spiritual dangers of enjoying sex with one’s spouse.
Defoe would have appreciated the Nayar people, native to southern India,
who have a type of marriage that doesn’t necessarily include any sexual activity
at all, has no expectation of permanence, and no cohabitation—indeed the bride
may never see the groom again once the marriage ritual has been performed. But
since divorce is not permitted in this system, the stability of these marriages
must be exemplary, according to the anthropological surveys.
As these examples show, many qualities considered essential components of
marriage in contemporary Western usage are anything but universal: sexual
exclusivity, property exchange, even the intention to stay together for long. None
of these are expected in many of the relationships evolutionary psychologists
and anthropologists insist on calling marriage.
Now consider the confusion created by the words mate and mating. A mate
sometimes refers to a sexual partner in a given copulation; other times, it refers
to a partner in a recognized marriage, with whom children are raised and all sorts
of behavioral and economic patterns are established. To mate with someone
could mean to join together “till death do us part,” or it could refer to nothing
more than a quickie with “Julio down by the schoolyard.” When evolutionary
psychologists tell us that men and women have different innate cognitive or
emotional “modules,” which determine their reactions to a mate’s infidelity, we
suppose that this refers to a mate in a long-term relationship.
But you never know. When we read, “Sex differences in humans’ mateselection criteria exist and persist because the mechanisms that mediate mate
evaluation differ for men and women,” and that “a tendency to become sexually
aroused by visual stimuli constitutes part of the mate-selection process in
men,”
14 we scratch our heads, wondering whether this is a discussion of how
people choose that special someone to introduce to Mom or merely the
immediate, visceral response patterns heterosexual men often experience in the
presence of an attractive woman. Given that men have shown these same
response patterns in response to photographs, films, attractively attired
mannequins, and a Noah’s ark of farm animals—none of which are available for
marriage—it seems that this language must refer to sexual attraction alone. But
we’re not really sure. At what point does a mate become a mate with whom to
mate?
CHAPTER NINE
Paternity Certainty: The Crumbling Cornerstone of the
Standard Narrative
According to anthropologist Robert Edgerton, the Marind-anim people of
Melanesia believed:
Semen was essential to human growth and development. They also married
quite young, and to assure the bride’s fertility, she had to be filled with
semen. On her wedding night, therefore, as many as ten members of her
husband’s lineage had sexual intercourse with the bride, and if there were
more men than this in the lineage, they had intercourse with her the
following night…. A similar ritual was repeated at various intervals
throughout a woman’s life.
1
Welcome to the family. Have you met my cousins?
Lest you think this a particularly unusual wedding celebration, it seems the
ancestors of the Romans did something similar. Marriage was celebrated with a
wedding orgy in which the husband’s friends had intercourse with the bride,
with witnesses standing by. Otto Kiefer, in his 1934 Sexual Life in Ancient
Rome, explains that from the Roman perspective, “Natural and physical laws are
alien and even opposed to the marriage tie. Accordingly, the woman who is
entering marriage must atone to Mother Nature for violating her, and go through
a period of free prostitution, in which she purchases the chastity of marriage by
preliminary unchastity.”
2
In many societies, such unchaste shenanigans continue well beyond the
wedding night. The Kulina of Amazonia have a ritual known as the dutse’e bani
towi: the “order to get meat.” Don Pollock explains that the village women “go
in a group from household to household at dawn, singing to the adult men in
each house, ‘ordering’ them to go hunting. At each house, one or more women
in the group step forward to bang on the house with a stick; they will serve as the
sex partners of the men of the house that night, if they are successful in their
hunt. Women in the group…are not allowed to select their own husband.”
What happens next is significant. Feigning reluctance, the men drag
themselves from their hammocks and head off into the jungle, but before
splitting up to hunt independently, they agree on a time and place outside the
village to meet later, where they’ll redistribute whatever they’ve bagged, thus
ensuring that every man returns to the village with meat, guaranteeing extra-pair
sex for one and all. Yet another nail in the coffin of the standard narrative.
Pollock’s description of the hunters’ triumphal return is beyond
improvement:
At the end of the day the men return in a group to the village, where the
adult women form a large semicircle and sing erotically provocative songs
to the men, asking for their ‘meat.’ The men drop their catch in a large pile
in the middle of the semicircle, often hurling it down with dramatic gestures
and smug smiles…. After cooking the meat and eating, each woman retires
with the man whom she selected as her partner for the sexual tryst. Kulina
engage in this ritual with great humor and perform it regularly.
3
We’ll bet they do. Pollock kindly confirmed our hunch that the Kulina word
for “meat” (bani) refers both to food and to what you’re thinking it does, dear
reader. Maybe marriage isn’t a human universal, but the capacity for sexual
double entendre just might be.
Love, Lust, and Liberty at Lugu Lake
There is not now, and never has been, a society in which confidence in
paternity is so low that men are typically more closely related genetically to
their sisters’ than to their wives’ offspring. Happily promiscuous,
nonpossessive, Rousseauian chimpanzees turned out not to exist; I am not
convinced by the available evidence that such human beings exist either.
DONALD SYMONS, The Evolution of Human Sexuality
Symons’s bold declaration was an expression of faith in parental investment
theory and the central importance of paternity certainty in human evolution. But
Symons was dead wrong on both points. As he wrote those ill-fated words in the
late 1970s, primatologists in jungles along the Congo River were learning that
bonobos are precisely the happily promiscuous and nonpossessive apes whose
existence Symons declared impossible. And the Mosuo (pronounced MWO-swo
—also referred to as Na or Nari), an ancient society in southwest China, are a
society where paternity certainty is so low and inconsequential that men do
indeed raise their sisters’ children as their own.
Women and men should not marry, for love is like the seasons—it comes
and goes.
YANG ERCHE NAMU (Mosuo woman)
In the mountains around Lugu Lake, near the border between China’s Yunnan
and Sichuan provinces, live about 56,000 people who enjoy a family system that
has perplexed and fascinated travelers and scholars for centuries. The Mosuo
revere Lugu Lake as the Mother Goddess, while the mountain towering over it,
Ganmo, is respected as the Goddess of Love. Their language is rendered in
Dongba, the sole pictographic language still used in the world today. They have
no words for murder, war, or rape. The Mosuo’s relaxed and respectful
tranquility is accompanied by a nearly absolute sexual freedom and autonomy
for both men and women.
4
In 1265, Marco Polo passed through the Mosuo region and later recalled
their unashamed sexuality, writing, “They do not consider it objectionable for a
foreigner, or any other man, to have his way with their wives, daughters, sisters,
or any other women in their home. They consider it a great benefit, in fact,
saying that their gods and idols will be disposed in their favor and offer them
material goods in great abundance. This is why they are so generous with their
women toward foreigners.” “Many times,” wrote Polo, with a wink and a nudge,
“a foreigner has wallowed in bed for three or four days with a poor sap’s wife.”
5
Macho Italian that he was, Polo completely misread the situation. He
misinterpreted the women’s sexual availability as a commodity controlled by the
men, when in fact, the most striking feature of the Mosuo system is the fiercely
defended sexual autonomy of all adults, women as well as men.
The Mosuo refer to their arrangement as sese, meaning “walking.” True to
form, most anthropologists miss the point by referring to the Mosuo system as
“walking marriage,” and including the Mosuo on their all-encompassing lists of
cultures that practice “marriage.” The Mosuo themselves disagree with this
depiction of their system. “By any stretch of the imagination, sese are not
marriages,” says Yang Erche Namu, a Mosuo woman who published a memoir
about her childhood along the shores of Mother Lake. “All sese are of the
visiting kind, and none involves the exchange of vows, property, the care of
children, or expectations of fidelity.” The Mosuo language has no word for
husband or wife, preferring the word azhu, meaning “friend.”
6
The Mosuo are a matrilineal, agricultural people, passing property and
family name from mother to daughter(s), so the household revolves around the
women. When a girl reaches maturity at about thirteen or fourteen, she receives
her own bedroom that opens both to the inner courtyard of the house and to the
street through a private door. A Mosuo girl has complete autonomy as to who
steps through this private door into her babahuago (flower room). The only strict
rule is that her guest must be gone by sunrise. She can have a different lover the
following night—or later that same night—if she chooses. There is no
expectation of commitment, and any child she conceives is raised in her
mother’s house, with the help of the girl’s brothers and the rest of the
community.
Recalling her childhood, Yang Erche Namu echoes Malidoma Patrice
Somé’s description of his African childhood, explaining, “We children could
roam at our own will and visit from house to house and village to village without
our mothers’ ever fearing for our safety. Every adult was responsible for every
child, and every child in turn was respectful of every adult.”
7
Among the Mosuo, a man’s sisters’ children are considered his paternal
responsibility—not those who may (or may not) be the fruit of his own nocturnal
visits to various flower rooms. Here we see another society in which male
parental investment is unrelated to biological paternity. In the Mosuo language,
the word Awu translates to both father and uncle. “In place of one father, Mosuo
children have many uncles who take care of them. In a way,” writes Yang Erche
Namu, “we also have many mothers, because we call our aunts by the name azhe
Ami, which means ‘little mother.’”
8
In a twist that should send many mainstream theorists into a tailspin, sexual
relations are kept strictly separate from Mosuo family relations. At night, Mosuo
men are expected to sleep with their lovers. If not, they sleep in one of the outer
buildings, never in the main house with their sisters. Custom prohibits any talk
of love or romantic relationships in the family home. Complete discretion is
expected from everyone. While both men and women are free to do as they will,
they’re expected to respect one another’s privacy. There’s no kissing and telling
at Lugu Lake.
The mechanics of the açia relationships, as they are referred to by Mosuo,
are characterized by a sacred regard for each individual’s autonomy—whether
man or woman.
9 Cai Hua, a Chinese anthropologist and author of A Society
without Fathers or Husbands, explains, “Not only do men and women have the
freedom to foster as many açia relationships as they want and to end them as
they please, but each person can have simultaneous relationships with several
açia, whether it be during one night or over a longer period.” These relationships
are discontinuous, lasting only as long as the two people are in each other’s
presence. “Each visitor’s departure from the woman’s home is taken to be the
end of their açia relationship,” according to Cai Hua. “There is no concept of
açia that applies to the future. The açia relationship…only exists instantaneously
and retrospectively,” although a couple may repeat their visits as often as they
wish.
10
Particularly libidinous Mosuo women and men unashamedly report having
had hundreds of relationships. Shame, from their perspective, would be the
proper response to promises of or demands for fidelity. A vow of fidelity would
be considered inappropriate—an attempt at negotiation or exchange. Openly
expressed jealousy, for the Mosuo, is considered aggressive in its implied
intrusion upon the sacred autonomy of another person, and is thus met with
ridicule and shame.
Sadly, hostility toward this free expression of female sexual autonomy is not
limited to narrow-minded anthropologists and thirteenth-century Italian
explorers. Although the Mosuo have no history of trying to export their system
or convincing anyone else of the superiority of their approach to love and sex,
they have long suffered outside pressure to abandon their traditional beliefs,
which outsiders seem to find threatening.
Once the Chinese established full control of the area in 1956, government
officials began making annual visits to lecture the people on the dangers of
sexual freedom and convince them to switch to “normal” marriage. In a bit of
dubious publicity reminiscent of Reefer Madness, Chinese government officials
showed up one year with a portable generator and a film showing “actors
dressed as Mosuo…who were in the last stages of syphilis, who had gone mad
and lost most of their faces.” The audience response was not what the Chinese
officials expected: their makeshift cinema was burned to the ground. But the
officials didn’t give up. Yang Erche Namu recalls “meetings night after night
where they harangued and criticized and interrogated…. [The Chinese officials]
ambushed men on their way to their lovers’ houses, they dragged couples out of
their beds and exposed people naked to their own relatives’ eyes.”
When even these heavy-handed tactics failed to convince the Mosuo to
abandon their system, government officials insisted on bringing (if not
demonstrating) “decency” to the Mosuo. They cut off essential deliveries of seed
grain and children’s clothing. Finally, literally starved into submission, many
Mosuo agreed to participate in government-sponsored marriage ceremonies,
where each was given “a cup of tea, a cigarette, pieces of candy, and a paper
certificate.”
11
But the arm-twisting had little lasting effect. Travel writer Cynthia Barnes
visited Lugu Lake in 2006 and found the Mosuo system still intact, though under
pressure from Chinese tourists who, like Marco Polo 750 years earlier, mistake
the sexual autonomy of Mosuo women for licentiousness. “Although their lack
of coyness draws the world’s attention to the Mosuo,” Barnes writes, “sex is not
the center of their universe.” She continues:
I think of my parents’ bitter divorce, of childhood friends uprooted and
destroyed because Mommy or Daddy decided to sleep with someone else.
Lugu Lake, I think, is not so much a kingdom of women as a kingdom of
family—albeit one blessedly free of politicians and preachers extolling
“family values.” There’s no such thing as a “broken home,” no sociologists
wringing their hands over “single mothers,” no economic devastation or
shame and stigma when parents part. Sassy and confident, [a Mosuo girl
will] grow up cherished in a circle of male and female relatives…. When
she joins the dances and invites a boy into her flower room, it will be for
love, or lust, or whatever people call it when they are operating on
hormones and heavy breathing. She will not need that boy—or any other—
to have a home, to make a “family.” She already knows that she will always
have both.
12
The Mosuo approach to love and sex may well finally be destroyed by the
hordes of Han Chinese tourists who threaten to turn Lugu Lake into a themepark version of Mosuo culture. But the Mosuo’s persistence in the face of
decades—if not centuries—of extreme pressure to conform to what many
scientists still insist is human nature stands as a proud, undeniable counter-
example to the standard narrative.
Mosuo woman (Photo: Jim Goodman)
Mosuo women
(Photo: Sachi Cunningham/www.germancamera.com)
On the Inevitability of Patriarchy
Despite societies like the Mosuo’s in which women are autonomous and play
crucial roles in maintaining social and economic stability, and plentiful evidence
from dozens of foraging societies in which females enjoy high status and
respect, many scientists rigidly insist that all societies are and always have been
patriarchal. In Why Men Rule (originally titled The Inevitability of Patriarchy),
sociologist Steven Goldberg provides an example of this absolutist view,
writing, “Patriarchy is universal…. Indeed, of all social institutions there is
probably none whose universality is so totally agreed upon…. There is not, nor
has there ever been, any society that even remotely failed to associate authority
and leadership in suprafamilial areas with the male. There are no borderline
cases.”
13 Strong words. Yet, in 247 pages, Goldberg fails to mention the Mosuo
even once.
Goldberg does mention the Minangkabau of West Sumatra, Indonesia, but
only in an appendix, where he cites two passages from others’ research. The
first, dating to 1934, says that men are generally served food before women.
From this, Goldberg concludes that males wield superior power in Minangkabau
society. This is as logically consistent as concluding that Western societies must
be matriarchal because men often hold doors open for women, allowing them to
pass first. The second passage Goldberg cites is from a paper co-authored by
anthropologist Peggy Reeves Sanday, suggesting that the Minangkabau men
have some degree of authority in the application of various aspects of traditional
law.
Minangkabau woman and girls
(Photo: Christopher Ryan)
14
There are two big problems with Goldberg’s application of Sanday’s work.
First, there is no inherent contradiction between claiming that a society is not
patriarchal and yet that men do enjoy various types of authority. This is simply
illogical: Van Gogh’s famous painting The Starry Night is not a “yellow
painting,” though there is plenty of yellow in it. The second problem with this
citation is that Peggy Reeves Sanday, the anthropologist Goldberg cites, has
consistently argued that the Minangkabau are matriarchal. In fact, her most
recent book about the Minangkabau is called Women at the Center: Life in a
Modern Matriarchy.
15
Having spent over twenty summers living among the Minangkabau, Sanday
says, “The power of Minangkabau women extends to the economic and social
realms,” noting, for example, that women control land inheritance and that a
husband typically moves into the wife’s household. The four million
Minangkabau living in West Sumatra consider themselves to be a matriarchal
society. “While we in the West glorify male dominance and competition,”
Sanday says, “the Minangkabau glorify their mythical Queen Mother and
cooperation.” She reports that “males and females relate more like partners for
the common good than like competitors ruled by egocentric self-interest,” and
that as with bonobo social groups, women’s prestige increases with age and
“accrues to those who promote good relations….”
16
As happens so often in trying to understand and discuss other cultures,
wording trips up specialists. When they claim never to have found a “true
matriarchy,” these anthropologists are envisioning a mirror image of patriarchy,
a vision that ignores the differing ways males and females conceptualize and
wield power. Sanday says that among the Minangkabau, for example, “Neither
male nor female rule is possible because of [their] belief that decision-making
should be by consensus.” When she kept asking people which sex ruled, she was
finally told that she was asking the wrong question. “Neither sex rules…because
males and females complement one another.”
17
Remember this when some loudmouth at the bar declares that “patriarchy is
universal, and always has been!” It’s not, and it hasn’t. But rather than feel
threatened, we’d recommend that our male readers ponder this: Societies in
which women have lots of autonomy and authority tend to be decidedly malefriendly, relaxed, tolerant, and plenty sexy. Got that, fellas? If you’re unhappy at
the amount of sexual opportunity in your life, don’t blame the women. Instead,
make sure they have equal access to power, wealth, and status. Then watch what
happens.
As with bonobos, where female coalitions are the ultimate social authority
and individual females need not fear the larger males, human societies in which
women are “sassy and confident,” as Barnes described the Mosuo girls—free to
express their minds and sexuality without fear of shame or persecution—tend to
be far more comfortable places for most men than societies ruled by a male elite.
Maybe matriarchal societies are so difficult for Western male anthropologists to
recognize because they expect a culture where men are suffering under the high
heels of women—a reverse reflection of the long-standing male oppression of
women in Western cultures. Instead, observing a society where most of the men
are lounging about relaxed and happy, they conclude they’ve found yet another
patriarchy, thereby missing the point entirely.
The March of the Monogamous
The idea of monogamy hasn’t so much been tried and found wanting, as
found difficult and left untried.
G. K. CHESTERTON
The surprise box-office hit of 2005 was a film called March of the Penguins.
The second-biggest money-making documentary to date, viewers were touched
by its depiction of the extreme dedication penguin couples showed in nurturing
their adorable penguin chicks. Many viewers saw their own marriages reflected
in the penguins’ sacrifice for their offspring and for each other. As one reviewer
put it, “It’s impossible to watch the thousands of penguins huddled together
against the icy Antarctic blasts…without feeling a tug of anthropomorphic
kinship.” Churches across the United States reserved cinemas for private
screenings for their congregations. Rich Lowry, editor of The National Review,
told a conference of young Republicans, “Penguins are the really ideal example
of monogamy. The dedication of these birds is amazing.” Adam Leipzig,
president of National Geographic Feature Films, declared the penguins “model
parents,” continuing, “What they go through to look after their children is
phenomenal, and no parent who sees it will ever complain about the school run.
There are parallels with human nature and it’s moving to see.”
18
But unlike the birds themselves, penguin sexuality is not all black and white.
That perfect penguin pair, that “ideal example of monogamy,” those “model
parents” are monogamous only as long as it takes to get their little one out of the
egg, off the ice, and into the frigid Antarctic water—a little less than a year. If
you’ve seen the film, you know that with all the trekking back and forth across
the windswept ice and huddling against raging Antarctic blizzards, there’s not
much in the way of extramarital temptation anyway. Once Junior is swimming
with the other eleven-month-olds—the penguin equivalent of kindergarten—
fidelity is quickly forgotten, divorce is quick, automatic, and painless, and Mom
and Dad are back on the penguin prowl. With a breeding adult typically living
thirty years or more, these “model parents” have at least two dozen “families” in
a lifetime. Did someone say “ideal example of monogamy”?
Whether you found the film to be cloyingly sweet or refreshingly so, a bold,
if somewhat perverse, double feature would pair The March of the Penguins
with Werner Herzog’s Encounters at the End of the World. Herzog’s
documentary of the Antarctic is a masterpiece of photography and interviews
with a range of surprising characters, including Dr. David Ainley, an almost
comically reserved marine ecologist who has been studying penguins in
Antarctica for two decades. Under Herzog’s wry questioning, Ainley reports
having witnessed cases of penguin ménages-à-trois, in which two males take
turns caring for a particular female’s egg, as well as “penguin prostitution,”
where females receive prime nest-building pebbles in exchange for a bit of
penguin poontang.
The prairie vole is another supposed paragon of “natural monogamy.”
According to one newspaper article, “Prairie voles—squat rodents indigenous to
plains and grasslands—are considered to be a near-perfect monogamous species.
They form pair bonds that share a nest. Both male and female actively protect
each other, their territory, and their young. The male is an active parent and, if
one of the pair dies, the survivor does not take a new mate.”
19 Considering the
vitriol Darwin faced 150 years ago when he dared compare humans to apes, it’s
striking to note the scraps of comfort contemporary scientists find in equating
human sexual behavior with that of the ratlike prairie vole. We who once
compared ourselves to angels now see ourselves reflected in this lowly rodent.
But C. Sue Carter and Lowell L. Getz, who have studied the biology of
monogamy in prairie voles and other species for thirty-five years, are
unambiguous: “Sexual exclusivity,” they write “is not a feature of [the vole’s]
monogamy.”
20 Thomas Insel, director of the National Institute of Mental Health
(formerly director of Yerkes Primate Center) and an expert on the prairie vole,
says that those in the know have a less exalted view of the prairie vole’s
monogamy: “They’ll sleep with anyone but they’ll only sit by their partners.”
21
Then there’s that line (invariably directed at women, for some reason) that
goes, “If you’re looking for monogamy, marry a swan.”
*
So what about swans, then? Many species of birds have long been believed
to be monogamous because two parents are needed for the 24/7 labor of
incubating eggs and feeding nestlings. As with humans, investment-minded
theorists assumed males would help out only if they were certain the young were
their own. But the recent advent of affordable DNA testing has blown
embarrassing holes in this story, too. Although a pair of bluebirds may build a
nest and rear the young together, an average of 15 to 20 percent of the chicks are
not sired by the male in the partnership, according to Patricia Adair Gowaty, a
behavioral ecologist. And bluebirds aren’t particularly slutty songbirds: DNA
studies of the chicks of some 180 bird species previously thought to be
monogamous have shown that about 90 percent of them aren’t. Swans, alas, are
not among the virtuous 10 percent. So if you’re looking for monogamy, forget
the swan, too!
Is monogamy natural? Yes…. Human beings almost never have to be
cajoled into pairing. Instead, we do this naturally. We flirt. We feel
infatuation. We fall in love. We marry. And the vast majority of us marry
only one person at a time. Pair-bonding is a trademark of the human
animal.
HELEN FISHER
Strange trademark for a species that enjoys so much extra-pair sexual activity.
The glue holding the standard narrative together is the assumption that to marry
and to mate have universally applicable meanings, like the verbs to eat, or to
give birth. But whatever terminology we use for the socially approved special
relationship that often exists between men and women around the world will
never communicate the universe of variations our species comes up with.
“Marriage,” “mating,” and “love” are socially constructed phenomena that
have little or no transferable meaning outside any given culture. The examples
we’ve noted of rampant ritualized group sex, mate-swapping, unrestrained
casual affairs, and socially sanctioned sequential sex were all reported in cultures
that anthropologists insist are monogamous simply because they’ve determined
that something they call “marriage” takes place there. No wonder so many insist
that marriage, monogamy, and the nuclear family are human universals. With
such all-encompassing interpretations of the concepts, even the prairie vole, who
“sleeps with anyone,” would qualify.
CHAPTER TEN
Jealousy: A Beginner’s Guide to Coveting Thy Neighbor’s
Spouse
[Once] marriage…becomes common, jealousy will lead to the inculcation
of female virtue; and this, being honoured, will tend to spread to the
unmarried females. How slowly it spreads to the male sex, we see at the
present day.
CHARLES DARWIN
1
In a traditional Canela marriage ceremony, the bride and groom lie down
on a mat, arms under each other’s heads, legs entwined. The brother of
each partner’s mother then comes forward. He admonishes the bride and
her new husband to stay together until the last child is grown, specifically
reminding them not be jealous of each other’s lovers.
SARAH BLAFFER HRDY
2
A printer’s error in 1631 resulted in Bibles that proclaimed, “Thou shalt commit
adultery.”
3 Though not a biblical injunction, a common thread running through
many of our examples of S.E.Ex. (Socio-Erotic Exchanges, if you’ve forgotten)
is the explicit prohibition against relations with one’s habitual partner(s),
sometimes even under threat of death. Why would that be?
Since these rituals have developed in unrelated cultures throughout the
world, they probably serve important functions. Internal conflict represented an
existential threat to profoundly interdependent groups like those in which our
ancestors lived for thousands of generations. Ritualized, socially sanctioned,
sometimes even obligatory S.E.Ex. reduced disruptions caused by jealousy and
possessiveness while blurring paternity. It’s not surprising that small-scale
societies highly dependent upon trust between individuals, generosity, and
cooperation evolve and promote ways of enhancing these qualities while
discouraging behavior and beliefs that would threaten group harmony and
survival for group members.
It bears repeating that we are not attributing any particular nobility or, for
that matter, ignobility to foragers. Some behaviors that seem normal to
contemporary people (and which are therefore readily assumed to be universal)
would quickly destroy many small-scale foraging societies, rendering them
dysfunctional. Unrestrained self-interest, in particular, whether expressed as
food-hoarding or excessive sexual possessiveness, is a direct threat to group
cohesion and is therefore considered shameful and ridiculous.
Is there any doubt that societies can reshape such impulses?
Photo: Christopher White,
www.christopherwhitephotography.com
Right now, girls’ necks are being elongated ring by brass ring in parts of
Thailand and Burma to make them more appealing to men. Clitorises are being
cut away and labia sewn together in villages all over North Africa to dampen
female desire, while in glamorous California, reduction labioplasty and other
cosmetic vaginal surgeries have recently become a booming business.
Elsewhere, the penises of boys are being circumcised or split open in ritualistic
subincision. You get the point.
A few Native American tribes of the upper plains had an agreed-upon sense
of beauty that led them to strap small planks of wood to their infants’ still-pliable
foreheads.
4 As the child grew, the straps would be tightened, as an orthodontist
realigns a bite, bit by bit. It’s unclear how much brain damage, if any, resulted
from this practice, but the otherworldly conical heads that resulted scared the
bejesus out of neighboring tribes and white fur trappers in the area.
Field sketch by Paul Kane
5
And that may well have been the point, if you will. If their otherworldly
appearance gave them a protective advantage by scaring potential enemies, it’s
not hard to see how such a fashion statement could have evolved. From savoring
saliva beer or cow blood milkshakes to wearing socks with sandals, there is little
doubt that people are willing to think, feel, wear, do, and believe pretty much
anything if their society assures them it’s normal.
Social forces that convince people to stretch their necks beyond the breaking
point, schmush the heads of their infants, or sell their daughters into sacred
prostitution are quite capable of reshaping or neutralizing sexual jealousy by
rendering it silly and ridiculous. By rendering it abnormal.
The evolutionary explanation for male sexual jealousy, as we’ve seen, pivots
on the genetic calculus underlying paternity certainty. But if it’s a question of
genes, a man should be far less concerned about his wife having sex with his
brothers—who share half his genes—than with unrelated males. Gentlemen,
would you be far less upset to find your wife in bed with your brother than with
a total stranger? Ladies, would you prefer your husband have an affair with your
sister? Didn’t think so.
6
Zero-Sum Sex
We mentioned David Buss in our discussion of mixed mating strategies earlier,
but most of his work concerns the study of jealousy. Buss doesn’t buy the notion
of sharing food or mates, conceptualizing both in terms of scarcity: “If there is
not enough food to feed all members of a group,” he writes, “then some survive
while others perish.” Similarly, “If two women desire the same man…one
woman’s success in attracting him is the other woman’s loss.” Buss has little
doubt that evolution is “a zero-sum game, with the victors winning at the
expense of the losers.”
7
Far too often, the debate over the nature of human sexuality seems like a
proxy war between antagonistic politico-economic philosophies. Defenders of
the standard narrative see Cain’s gain as Abel’s loss, period. “That’s just how
life is, kid,” they’ll tell you. “It’s human nature. Self-interest makes the world go
round, pull yourself up by your bootstraps, it’s a dog-eat-dog world and always
has been.”
This free-market vision of human mating hinges on the assumption that
sexual monogamy is intrinsic to human nature. Absent monogamy (individual
male “ownership” of female reproductive capacity), the I-win-you-lose dynamic
collapses. As we outlined above, Buss and his colleagues get around the many
glaring flaws in the theory (our extravagant sexual capacity, ubiquitous adultery
in all cultures, rampant promiscuity in both our closest primate relatives, the
absence of any monogamous primate living in large social groups) with pretzel
logic and special pleading about Homo sapiens’ internally conflicted, selfdefeating “mixed mating strategies.” Twist and stretch.
Buss and his colleagues have conducted scores of cross-cultural studies
designed to confirm that men and women experience jealousy differently from
each other, in consistent gender-specific ways. These researchers claim to have
confirmed two important assumptions underlying the standard narrative: that
men are universally worried about paternity certainty (hence, his mate’s sexual
fidelity is his main concern), while women are universally concerned with access
to men’s resources (so a woman will feel more threatened by any emotional
intimacy that might inspire him to leave her for another woman). These genderspecific manifestations of sexual jealousy would appear to strongly support the
standard narrative.
In a study typical of this research, Buss and his colleagues asked 1,122
people to imagine their partner becoming interested in someone else. They
asked, “What would upset or distress you more: (a) imagining your partner
forming a deep emotional (but not sexual) relationship with that person, or (b)
imagining your partner enjoying a sexual (but not emotional) relationship with
that person?” In studies like this conducted on college campuses around the
United States and Europe, Buss and his colleagues consistently got more-or-less
the same results. They found that men and women differed by roughly 35
percent in their responses, seeming to confirm their hypothesis. “Women
continued to express greater upset about a partner’s emotional infidelity,” Buss
writes, “even if it did not involve sex. Men continued to show more upset than
women about a partner’s sexual infidelity, even if it did not involve emotional
involvement.”
8
But despite the apparent cross-cultural breadth of this research, it lacks
methodological depth. Buss and his colleagues succumb to the same temptation
that weakens so much sexuality research: reliance on a subject population more
convenient than representative. Almost all the participants in these studies were
university students. We understand that undergraduate students are low-hanging
research fruit—easy for graduate students to locate and motivate (by offering
partial course-credit for filling out a questionnaire, for example), but this does
not make them valid representatives of human sexuality. Far from it. Even in
supposedly liberal Western cultures, college-age people are in the early stages of
their socio-sexual development with little, if any, experience to draw on when
considering questions about one-night stands, long-term mate preferences, or
their ideal number of lifetime sexual partners—all questions explored in Buss’s
research.
But Buss is not alone in this distorting focus on undergrads. The majority of
research on sexuality is based upon the responses of eighteen-to twenty-twoyear-old American university students. While one could make a case that a
twenty-year-old guy is more or less like a turbocharged fifty-year-old, few
would argue that a twenty-year-old woman has much in common with a woman
three decades older in terms of her sexuality. Most would agree that a woman’s
sexuality changes considerably throughout adulthood—for the better, if
conditions allow.
Another problem with using college students in the sort of multicultural
study Buss conducts concerns class distinctions. In underdeveloped countries,
university students are likely to be from the upper classes. A wealthy Angolan
student may have a lot more in common with a Portuguese undergrad than with
someone his or her own age living in the slums of Luanda. Our own field
research in Africa suggests that sexual beliefs and behavior differ greatly among
social classes and subcultures there—as they do in other parts of the world.
9
Beyond the distorting effects of age and class, Buss and his colleagues skip
over the crucial fact that every one of their subjects lives in post-agricultural
societies characterized by private property, political hierarchies, globalized
television, and so on. How can we expect to identify “human universals” without
including at least a few foragers, whose thoughts and behaviors have not been
shaped by the effects of modern life and whose perspective represents the vast
majority of our species’ experience? As we’ve established, plenty of research on
foragers demonstrates important similarities among unrelated societies and
dramatic differences from post-agricultural norms. Swedes and upper-class
Nigerians may see themselves as different from one another, but from a
forager’s perspective they would seem similar in many ways.
Granted, it is no easy matter to airdrop questionnaires and #2 pencils to
foragers in the Upper Amazon (The Grad Students Must Be Crazy). Still, the
difficulty or impossibility of including their perspective does nothing to lessen
its vital importance to the integrity of this sort of research. This broad yet
shallow research paradigm is like claiming to have uncovered “universal fish
truths” after conducting studies in rivers around the world. What about the fish
in lakes? Ponds? Oceans?
Psychologist Christine Harris has noted that Buss’s conclusions could easily
be nothing more than confirmation of old news: that “men are more reactive to
any form of sexual stimuli than they are to emotional stimuli [and] are more
interested in, or better able to imagine, such stimuli.”
10 The men get more
agitated by the sex, in other words, simply because they imagine it more clearly
than the women do.
When Harris measured the bodily responses of people being asked Buss’s
questions, she found that “women as a group showed little difference in
physiological reactivity,” but they still predicted, almost unanimously, that the
emotional infidelity would be more disturbing for them. This finding suggests a
fascinating disconnect between what these women actually feel and what they
think they should feel about their partner’s fidelity (more on this later).
Psychologists David A. DeSteno and Peter Salovey found even more
fundamental flaws in Buss’s research, pointing out that the subjects’ belief
system comes into play when answering questions about hypothetical infidelity.
They note that “the belief that emotional infidelity implies sexual infidelity was
held to a greater degree by women than men,” and that therefore, “the choice
between sexual infidelity and emotional infidelity [at the heart of Buss’s studies]
is a false dichotomy….”
11
David A. Lishner and his colleagues honed in on another weak point: the
fact that subjects are given only two options: either thoughts of sexual infidelity
hurt more or thoughts of emotional infidelity do. Lishner asked, what if both
scenarios made subjects feel equally uncomfortable? When Lishner included this
third option, he found that the majority of respondents indicated that both forms
of infidelity were equally upsetting, throwing further doubt on Buss’s
conclusions.
12
Buss and other evolutionary psychologists who argue that some degree of
jealousy is part of human nature may have a point, but they’re overplaying their
hand when they universalize their findings to everyone, everywhere, always.
Human nature is made of highly reflective material. It is a mirror—admittedly
marked by unalterable genetic scratches and cracks—but a mirror nonetheless.
For most human beings, reality is pretty much what we’re told it is. Like
practically everything else, jealousy reflects social modification and can clearly
be reduced to little more than a minor irritant if consensus deems it so.
*
Among the Siriono of Bolivia, jealousy tends to arise not because one’s spouse
has lovers, but because he or she is devoting too much time and energy to those
lovers. According to anthropologist Allan Holmberg, “Romantic love is a
concept foreign to the Siriono. Sex, like hunger, is a drive to be satisfied.” The
expression secubi (“I like”) is used in reference to everything the Siriono enjoy,
whether food, jewelry, or a sexual partner. While “there are, of course, certain
ideals of erotic bliss,” Holmberg found that “under conditions of desire these
readily break down, and the Siriono are content to conform to the principle of
‘any port in a storm.’”
13
Anthropologist William Crocker is convinced that Canela husbands are not
jealous, writing, “Whether or not Canela husbands are telling the truth about not
minding, they join with other members in encouraging their wives to honor the
custom…[of] ritual sex with twenty or more men during all-community
ceremonies.” Now, anyone who can pretend not to be jealous as his wife has sex
with twenty or more men is someone you do not want to meet across a poker
table.
The cultures we’ve reviewed, from steamy jungles in Brazil to lake-side
Himalayan foothills, have each developed mechanisms for minimizing jealousy
and sexual possessiveness. But the opposite also happens. Some cultures actively
encourage the impulse toward possessiveness.
How to Tell When a Man Loves a Woman
Written by Percy Sledge and first recorded in 1966, “When a Man Loves a
Woman” hit a cultural nerve. The song shot to the top of both the Billboard Hot
100 and R&B charts. Another version, recorded twenty-five years later by
Michael Bolton, also went straight to the top of the charts, and the song now sits
at number 54 on Rolling Stone’s list of the five hundred greatest songs of all
time. Nothing is more prominent than love and sex in Western media, and
“When a Man Loves a Woman” is an example of the message whispered in
romantic ears throughout the world.
What does Mr. Sledge have to say about a man’s love for a woman? What
are the signs of true masculine love? Copyright restrictions won’t allow us to
quote the song’s lyric in full, but most readers know the words by heart anyway.
To review, when a man loves a woman:
He becomes obsessed and can’t think of anything else.
He’ll exchange anything, even the world, for her company.
He’s blind to any fault she may have, and will abandon even his closest
friend if that friend tries to warn him about her.
He’ll spend all his money trying to hold her attention.
And last but not least, he’ll sleep in the rain if she tells him to.
We’d like to suggest an alternative title for this song: “When a Man
Becomes Pathologically Obsessed and Sacrifices All Self-Respect and Dignity
by Making a Complete Ass of Himself (and Losing the Woman Anyway
Because Really, Who Wants a Boyfriend Who Sleeps Out in the Rain Because
Someone Told Him To?).”
Similarly, “Every Breath You Take” sits at a respectable number 84 on
Rolling Stone’s list of all-time great songs. One of the biggest hits of 1983, the
song topped the U.K. charts for a month and the U.S. charts for two. It won Song
of the Year, and The Police won that year’s Grammy for Best Pop Performance.
To date, the song has logged in over ten million registered air plays on radio
stations around the world. Again, we’re assuming you know the words. But have
you ever really listened to them? Though often held up as one of the great love
songs of all time, “Every Breath You Take” is not about love at all.
Sung from the perspective of a man who’s been rejected by a woman who
refuses to acknowledge that she “belongs” to him, he says he’s going to follow
her every step, watch her every move, see who she spends the night with, and so
on.
This a love song? It should be #1 on Billboard’s ranking of “Crazed &
Dangerous Stalker Songs.” Even Sting, who wrote the song after awakening in
the middle of the night when the line “every breath you take / every move you
make” bubbled up from his subconscious, didn’t realize until later “how sinister
[the song] is.” He suggested in an interview that he may have been thinking of
George Orwell’s 1984—a novel about surveillance and control—certainly not
love.
So is jealousy natural? It depends. Fear is certainly natural, and like any other
kind of insecurity, jealousy is an expression of fear. But whether or not someone
else’s sex life provokes fear depends on how sex is defined in a given society,
relationship, and individual’s personality.
First-born children often feel jealous when a younger sibling is born. Wise
parents make a special point of reassuring the child that she’ll always be special,
that the baby doesn’t represent any kind of threat to her status, and that there’s
plenty of love for everyone. Why is it so easy to believe that a mother’s love
isn’t a zero-sum proposition, but that sexual love is a finite resource?
Evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins asks the pertinent question with
characteristic elegance: “Is it so very obvious that you can’t love more than one
person? We seem to manage it with parental love (parents are reproached if they
don’t at least pretend to love all their children equally), love of books, of food, of
wine (love of Château Margaux does not preclude love of a fine Hock, and we
don’t feel unfaithful to the red when we dally with the white), love of
composers, poets, holiday beaches, friends…why is erotic love the one
exception that everybody instantly acknowledges without even thinking about
it?”
14
Why, indeed? How would the prevalence and experience of jealousy be
affected in Western societies if the economic dependence trapping most women
and their children didn’t exist, leading female sexual access to be a tightly
controlled commodity? What if economic security and guilt-free sexual
friendships were easily available to almost all men and women, as they are in
many of the societies we’ve discussed, as well as among our closest primate
cousins? What if no woman had to worry that a ruptured relationship would
leave her and her children destitute and vulnerable? What if average guys knew
they’d never have to worry about finding someone to love? What if we didn’t all
grow up hearing that true love is obsessive and possessive? What if, like the
Mosuo, we revered the dignity and autonomy of those we loved? What if, in
other words, sex, love, and economic security were as available to us as they
were to our ancestors?
If fear is removed from jealousy, what’s left?
Human beings will be happier—not when they cure cancer or get to Mars
or eliminate racial prejudice or flush Lake Erie but when they find ways to
inhabit primitive communities again. That’s my utopia.
KURT VONNEGUT, JR.
According to E. O. Wilson, “all that we can surmise of humankind’s genetic
history argues for a more liberal sexual morality, in which sexual practices are to
be regarded first as bonding devices and only second as a means for
procreation.”
15 We couldn’t have said it better. But if human sexuality
developed primarily as a bonding mechanism in interdependent bands where
paternity certainty was a nonissue, then the standard narrative of human sexual
evolution is toast. The anachronistic presumption that women have always
bartered their sexual favors to individual men in return for help with child care,
food, protection, and the rest of it collapses upon contact with the many societies
where women feel no need to negotiate such deals. Rather than a plausible
explanation for how we got to be the way we are, the standard narrative is
exposed as contemporary moralistic bias packaged to look like science and then
projected upon the distant screen of prehistory, rationalizing the present while
obscuring the past. Yabba dabba doo.
PART III
The Way We Weren’t
A central theme in our argument is that human sexual behavior is a
reflection of both evolved tendencies and social context. Thus, a sense of
the day-to-day social world in which human sexual tendencies evolved is
essential to understanding them. It’s hard to imagine the communal,
cooperative social configurations we’ve described surviving long in the
kind of world Hobbes envisioned, characterized by “bellum omnium contra
omnes” (the war of all against all). But the false view of prehistoric human
life summed up in Hobbes’s pithy dictum “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and
short” is still almost universally accepted.
Having established that prehistoric human life was highly social and
decidedly not solitary, we now briefly address the other elements in
Hobbes’s description in the following four chapters, before continuing with
a more direct discussion of overtly sexual material. We hope readers
primarily interested in sex will bear with us because what might at first
seem a detour is in fact a shortcut to a clearer vision of the day-to-day lives
of our ancestors, a vision that will help you make better sense of the
material that follows, as well as of your own world.
CHAPTER ELEVEN
“The Wealth of Nature” (Poor?)
The point is, ladies and gentleman, that greed, for lack of a better word, is
good. Greed is right, greed works. Greed clarifies, cuts through, and
captures the essence of the evolutionary spirit. Greed, in all of its forms…
has marked the upward surge of mankind.
“GORDON GEKKO,” in the film Wall Street
What constitutes misuse of the universe? This question can be answered in
one word: greed…. Greed constitutes the most grievous wrong.
LAURENTI MAGESA,
African Religion: The Moral Traditions of Abundant Life
Economics, “the dismal science,” was dismal right from the start.
On a late autumn afternoon in 1838, what may have been the brightest bolt
of illumination ever to flash out of an overcast English sky struck Charles
Darwin right upside the head, leaving him stunned by what Richard Dawkins has
called “the most powerful idea that has ever occurred to a man.” At the very
moment the great insight underlying natural selection came to him, Darwin was
reading An Essay on the Principle of Population by Thomas Malthus.
1
If the measure of an idea is its endurance through time, Thomas Malthus
deserves his spot as Wikipedia’s eightieth Most Influential Person in History.
More than two centuries later, one would be hard pressed to find a single student
of economics unfamiliar with the simple argument put forth by the world’s first
professor of economics. You’ll recall that Malthus argued that each generation
doubles geometrically (2, 4, 8, 16, 32…), but farmers can only increase food
supply arithmetically, as new fields are cleared and productive capacity is added
in a linear fashion (2, 3, 4, 5, 6…). From this crystalline reasoning follows
Malthus’s brutal conclusion: chronic overpopulation, desperation, and
widespread starvation are intrinsic to human existence. Not a thing to be done
about it. Helping the poor is like feeding London’s pigeons; they’ll just
reproduce back to the brink of starvation anyway, so what’s the point? “The
poverty and misery which prevail among the lower classes of society,” Malthus
asserts, “are absolutely irremediable.”
Malthus based his estimates of human reproductive rates on the recorded
increase of (European) population in North America in the previous 150 years
(1650–1800). He concluded that the colonial population had doubled every
twenty-five years or so, which he took to be a reasonable estimate of the rates of
human population growth in general.
In his autobiography, Darwin recalled that when he applied these dire
Malthusian computations to the natural world, “it at once struck me that under
these circumstances favorable variations would tend to be preserved, and
unfavorable ones to be destroyed. The result of this would be the formation of
new species. Here then I had at last got a theory by which to work…”
2 Science
writer Matt Ridley believes Malthus taught Darwin the “bleak lesson” that
“overbreeding must end in pestilence, famine or violence,” convincing him that
the secret of natural selection was embedded in the struggle for existence.
Thus was Darwin’s brilliance sparked by the darkest Malthusian gloom.
3
Alfred Russel Wallace, who came up with the mechanism underlying natural
selection independently of Darwin, experienced his own flash of insight while
reading the same essay between bouts of fever in a hut on the banks of a malarial
Malaysian river. Irish playwright George Bernard Shaw smelled the Malthusian
morbidity underlying natural selection, lamenting, “When its whole significance
dawns on you, your heart sinks into a heap of sand within you.” Shaw lamented
natural selection’s “hideous fatalism,” and complained of its “damnable
reduction of beauty and intelligence, of strength and purpose, of honor and
aspiration.”
4
But while Darwin and Wallace made excellent use of Malthus’s dire
calculations, there’s a problem with them. They don’t add up.
The tribes of hunters, like beasts of prey, whom they resemble in their mode
of subsistence, will…be thinly scattered over the surface of the earth. Like
beasts of prey, they must either drive away or fly from every rival, and be
engaged in perpetual contests with each other…. The neighboring nations
live in a perpetual state of hostility with each other. The very act of
increasing in one tribe must be an act of aggression against its neighbors,
as a larger range of territory will be necessary to support its increased
numbers…. The life of the victor depends on the death of the enemy.
THOMAS MALTHUS, An Essay on the Principle of Population
If his estimates of population growth were even close to correct, Malthus (and
thus, Darwin) would have been right to assume that human societies had long
been “necessarily confined in room,” resulting in “a perpetual state of hostility”
with one another. In Descent of Man, Darwin revisits Malthus’s calculations,
writing, “Civilised populations have been known under favourable conditions, as
in the United States, to double their numbers in twenty-five years…[At this] rate,
the present population of the United States (thirty millions), would in 657 years
cover the whole terraqueous globe so thickly, that four men would have to stand
on each square yard of surface.”
5
If Malthus had been correct about prehistoric human population doubling
every twenty-five years, these assumptions would indeed have been reasonable.
But he wasn’t, and they weren’t. We now know that until the advent of
agriculture, our ancestors’ overall population doubled not every twenty-five
years, but every 250,000 years. Malthus (and thus, Darwin after him) was off by
a factor of 10,000.
6
Malthus assumed the suffering he saw around him reflected the eternal,
inescapable condition of human and animal life. He didn’t understand that the
teeming, desperate streets of London circa 1800 were far from a reflection of
prehistoric conditions. A century and a half earlier, Thomas Hobbes had made
the same mistake, extrapolating from his own personal experience to conjure a
mistaken vision of prehistoric human life.
Estimated Global Population
7
Thomas Hobbes was born to terror. His mother had gone into premature labor
upon hearing that the Spanish Armada was about to attack England. “My
mother,” Hobbes wrote many years later, “gave birth to twins: myself and fear.”
Leviathan, the book in which he famously asserts that prehistoric life was
“solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short,” was composed in Paris, where he was
hiding from enemies he’d made by supporting the Crown in the English Civil
War. The book was nearly abandoned when he was taken with a near-fatal
illness that left him at death’s door for six months. Upon publication of
Leviathan in France, Hobbes’s life was now being threatened by his fellow
exiles, who were offended by the anti-Catholicism expressed in the book. He
fled back across the channel to England, begging the mercy of those he’d
escaped eleven years earlier. Though he was permitted to stay, publication of his
book was prohibited. The Church banned it. Oxford University banned it and
burned it. Writing of Hobbes’s world, cultural historian Mark Lilla describes
“Christians addled by apocalyptic dreams [who] hunted and killed Christians
with a maniacal fury they had once reserved for Muslims, Jews and heretics. It
was madness.”
8
Hobbes took the madness of his age, considered it “normal,” and projected it
back into prehistoric epochs of which he knew next to nothing. What Hobbes
called “human nature” was a projection of seventeenth-century Europe, where
life for most was rough, to put it mildly. Though it has persisted for centuries,
Hobbes’s dark fantasy of prehistoric human life is as valid as grand conclusions
about Siberian wolves based on observations of stray dogs in Tijuana.
To be fair, Malthus, Hobbes, and Darwin were constrained by the lack of actual
data. To his enormous credit, Darwin recognized this and tried hard to address it
—spending his entire adult life collecting specimens, taking copious notes, and
corresponding with anyone who could provide him with useful information. But
it wasn’t enough. The necessary facts wouldn’t be revealed for many decades.
But now we have them. Scientists have learned to read ancient bones and
teeth, to carbon-date the ash of Pleistocene fires, to trace the drift of the
mitochondrial DNA of our ancestors. And the information they’ve uncovered
resoundingly refutes the vision of prehistory Hobbes and Malthus conjured and
Darwin swallowed whole.
Poor, Pitiful Me
We are enriched not by what we possess, but by what we can do without.
IMMANUEL KANT
If George Orwell was correct that “those who control the past control the
future,” what of those who control the distant past?
Prior to the population increases associated with agriculture, most of the
world was a vast, empty place in terms of human population. But the desperate
overcrowding imagined by Hobbes, Malthus, and Darwin is still deeply
embedded in evolutionary theory and repeated like a mantra, facts be damned.
For example, in his recent essay entitled “Why War?,” philosopher David
Livingstone Smith projects the Malthusian panorama in all its mistaken despair:
“Competition for limited resources is the engine of evolutionary change,” he
writes. “Any population that reproduces without inhibition will eventually
outstrip the resources upon which it depends and, as numbers swell, individuals
will have no alternative but to compete more and more desperately for dwindling
resources. Those who can secure them will flourish, and those who cannot will
die.”
9
True, as far as it goes. But it doesn’t go very far, because Smith forgets that
our ancestors were the original ramblin’ men (and women)—nomads who rarely
stopped walking for more than a few days at a stretch. Walking away is what
they did best. Why assume they would have stuck around to struggle
“desperately” in an overpopulated area with depleted resources when they could
simply walk up the beach, as they’d been doing for uncounted generations? And
prehistoric human beings never reproduced “without inhibition,” like rabbits. Far
from it. In fact, prehistoric world population growth is estimated to have been
well below .001 percent per year throughout prehistory
10—hardly the population
bomb Malthus assumed.
Basic human reproductive biology in a foraging context made rapid
population growth unlikely, if not impossible. Women rarely conceive while
breastfeeding, and without milk from domesticated animals, hunter-gatherer
women typically breastfeed each child for five or six years. Furthermore, the
demands of a mobile hunter-gatherer lifestyle make carrying more than one
small child at a time unreasonable for a mother—even assuming lots of help
from others. Finally, low body-fat levels result in much later menarche for
hunter-gatherer females than for their post-agricultural sisters. Most foragers
don’t start ovulating until their late teens, resulting in a shorter reproductive
life.
11
Hobbes, Malthus, and Darwin were themselves surrounded by the desperate
effects of population saturation (rampant infectious disease, ceaseless war,
Machiavellian struggles for power). The prehistoric world, however, was
sparsely populated—where it was populated at all. Other than isolated pockets
surrounded by desert, or islands like Papua New Guinea, the prehistoric world
was almost all open frontier. Most scholars believe that our ancestors were just
setting out from Africa about fifty thousand years ago, entering Europe five or
ten thousand years later.
12 The first human footprints probably weren’t left on
North American soil until about twelve thousand years ago.
13 During the many
millennia before agriculture, the entire number of Homo sapiens on the planet
probably never surpassed a million people and certainly never approached the
current population of Chicago. Furthermore, recently obtained DNA analyses
suggest several population bottlenecks caused by environmental catastrophes
reduced our species to just a few thousand individuals as recently as 70,000
years ago.
14
Ours is a very young species. Few of our ancestors faced the unrelenting
scarcity-generated selective pressures envisioned by Hobbes, Malthus, and
Darwin. The ancestral human journey did not, by and large, take place in a world
already saturated with our kind, fighting over scraps. Rather, the route taken by
the bulk of our ancestors led through a long series of ecosystems with nothing
quite like us already there. Like the Burmese pythons recently set loose in the
Everglades, cane toads spreading unchecked across Australia, or the timber
wolves recently reintroduced to Yellowstone, our ancestors were generally
entering an open ecological niche. When Hobbes wrote that “Man to Man is an
arrant Wolfe,” he was unaware of just how cooperative and communicative
wolves can be if there’s enough food for everyone. Individuals in species
spreading into rich new ecosystems aren’t locked in a struggle to the death
against one another. Until the niche is saturated, such intraspecies conflict over
food is counterproductive and needless.
15
We’ve already shown that even in a largely empty world, the social lives of
foragers were anything but solitary. But Hobbes also claimed prehistoric life was
poor, and Malthus believed poverty to be eternal and inescapable. Yet most
foragers don’t believe themselves to be impoverished, and there’s every
indication that life wasn’t generally much of a struggle for our fire-controlling,
highly intelligent ancestors bound together in cooperative bands. To be sure,
occasional catastrophes such as droughts, climatic shifts, and volcanic eruptions
were devastating. But most of our ancestors lived in a largely unpopulated
world, chock-full of food. For hundreds of thousands of generations, the
omnivore’s dilemma facing our ancestors lay in choosing among many culinary
options. Plants eat soil; deer eat plants; cougars eat deer. But people can and do
eat almost anything—including cougars, deer, plants, and yes, even soil.
16
The Despair of Millionaires
Poverty…is the invention of civilization.
MARSHALL SAHLINS
A recent New York Times article under the headline “In Silicon Valley,
Millionaires Who Don’t Feel Rich” begins, “By almost any definition—except
his own and perhaps those of his neighbors here in Silicon Valley—Hal Steger
has it made.” The article notes that although Mr. Steger and his wife have a net
worth of roughly $3.5 million, he still typically works twelve-hour days plus
another ten hours on weekends. “A few million,” explains Steger, “doesn’t go as
far as it used to.”
Gary Kremen (estimated net worth: $10 million), founder of Match.com, an
online dating service, explains, “Everyone around here looks at the people above
them.” He continues to work sixty to eighty hours per week because, he says,
“You’re nobody here at $10 million.” Another executive gets right to the point,
saying, “Here, the top 1 percent chases the top one-tenth of 1 percent, and the
top one-tenth of 1 percent chases the top one-one-hundredth of 1 percent.”
17
This sort of thinking isn’t limited to Silicon Valley. A BBC report from
September 2003 reported, “Well-off is the new poor.” Dr. Clive Hamilton, a
visiting scholar at Cambridge University, set out to study the “suffering rich”
and found that four of every ten people earning over £50,000 (roughly $80,000
at the time) felt “deprived.” Hamilton concluded, “The real concerns of
yesterday’s poor have become the imagined concerns of today’s rich.” Another
recent survey in the United States found that 45 percent of those with a net worth
(excluding their home) over $1 million were worried about running out of
money before they died. Over one-third of those with more than $5 million had
the same concern.
18
“Affluenza” (a.k.a. luxury fever) is not an eternal affliction of the human
animal, as some would have us believe. It is an effect of wealth disparities that
arose with agriculture. Still, even in modern societies, we sometimes find echoes
of the ancient egalitarianism of our ancestors.
In the early 1960s, a physician named Stewart Wolf heard about a town of
Italian immigrants and their descendants in northeast Pennsylvania where heart
disease was practically unknown. Wolf decided to take a closer look at the town,
Roseto. He found that almost no one under age fifty-five showed symptoms of
heart disease. Men over sixty-five suffered about half the number of heart
problems expected of average Americans. The overall death rate in Roseto was
about one-third below national averages.
After conducting research that carefully excluded factors such as exercise,
diet, and regional variables like pollution levels, Wolf and sociologist John
Bruhn concluded that the major factor keeping folks in Roseto healthier longer
was the nature of the community itself. They noted that most households held
three generations, that older folks commanded great respect, and that the
community disdained any display of wealth, showing a “fear of ostentation
derived from an ancient belief among Italian villagers relating to maloccio (the
evil eye). Children,” Wolf wrote, “were taught that any display of wealth or
superiority over a neighbor would bring bad luck.”
Noting that Roseto’s egalitarian social bonds were already breaking down in
the mid-1960s, Wolf and Bruhn predicted that within a generation, the town’s
mortality rates would start to shift upward. In follow-up studies they conducted
25 years later, they reported, “The most striking social change was a widespread
rejection of a long standing taboo against ostentation,” and that “sharing, once
typical of Roseto, had given way to competition.” Rates of both heart disease
and stroke had doubled in a generation.
19
Among foragers, where property is shared, poverty tends to be a nonissue. In
his classic book Stone Age Economics, anthropologist Marshall Sahlins explains
that “the world’s most primitive people have few possessions, but they are not
poor. Poverty is not a certain small amount of goods, nor is it just a relation
between means and ends; above all it is a relation between people. Poverty is a
social status. As such it is the invention of civilization.”
20 Socrates made the
same point 2,400 years ago: “He is richest who is content with least, for
contentment is the wealth of nature.”
But the wealth of civilization is material. After reading every word of the
Old Testament, journalist David Plotz was struck by its mercantile tone. “The
overarching theme of the Bible,” he wrote, “particularly of Genesis, is real
estate. God is…constantly making land deals (and then remaking them, on
different terms)…. It’s not just land that the Bible is obsessed with, but also
portable property: gold, silver, livestock.”
21
Malthus and Darwin were both struck by the characteristic egalitarianism of
foragers, the former writing, “Among most of the American tribes…so great a
degree of equality prevailed that all the members of each community would be
nearly equal sharers in general hardships of savage life and in the pressure of
occasional famines.”
22 For his part, Darwin recognized the inherent conflict
between the capital-based civilization he knew and what he saw as the natives’
self-defeating generosity, writing, “Nomadic habits, whether over wide plains, or
through the dense forests of the tropics, or along the shores of the sea, have in
every case been highly detrimental…. The perfect equality of all the
inhabitants,” he wrote, “will for many years prevent their civilization.”
23
Finding Contentment “at the Bottom of the Scale of Human Beings”
Looking for an example of the world’s most downtrodden, pathetic, desperately
poor “savages,” Malthus cited “the wretched inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego”
who had been judged by European travelers to be “at the bottom of the scale of
human beings.” Just thirty years later Charles Darwin was in Tierra del Fuego,
observing these same people. He agreed with Malthus concerning the Fuegians,
writing in his journal, “I believe if the world was searched, no lower grade of
man could be found.”
As chance would have it, Captain Robert FitzRoy of the Beagle—the ship on
which Darwin was sailing—had picked up three young Fuegians on an earlier
voyage, and brought them back to England to introduce them to the glories of
British life and a proper Christian education. Now, after they’d experienced
firsthand the superiority of civilized living, FitzRoy was returning them to their
own people to serve as missionaries. The plan was for them to show the
Fuegians the folly of their “savage” ways and help them join the civilized world.
But just a year after Jemmy, York, and Fuegia had been returned to their
people at Woollya cove, near the base of what is now called Mount Darwin, the
Beagle and her crew returned to find the huts and gardens the British sailors had
built for the three Fuegians deserted and overgrown. Eventually, Jemmy
appeared and explained that he and the other Christianized Fuegians had
reverted to their former way of living. Darwin, overcome with sadness, wrote in
his journal that he’d never seen “so complete & grievous a change” and that “it
was painful to behold him.” They brought Jemmy aboard the ship and dressed
him for dinner at the captain’s table, much relieved to see that he at least
remembered how to use a knife and fork properly.
Captain FitzRoy offered to bring him back to England, but Jemmy declined,
saying he had “not the least wish to return to England” as he was “happy and
contented” with “plenty fruits,” “plenty fish,” and “plenty birdies.”
Remember the Yucatán. What looks like even extreme poverty—“the
bottom of the scale of human beings”—may contain unrecognizable forms of
wealth. Recall the “starving” Australian Aboriginal people, happily roasting
low-fat rats and noshing on juicy grubs as revolted Englishmen looked on,
certain they were witnessing the last demented spasms of starvation. When we
start detribalizing—peeling away the cultural conditioning that distorts our
vision—“wealth” and “poverty” may reveal themselves where we least expect to
find them.
24
CHAPTER TWELVE
The Selfish Meme (Nasty?)
Richard Dawkins, author of The Selfish Gene, coined the term meme to refer to a
unit of information that can spread through a community via learning or
imitation the way a favored gene is replicated through reproduction. Just as
egalitarianism and resource-and risk-sharing memes were favored in the
prehistoric environment, the selfishness meme has flourished in most of the postagricultural world. Even so, no less an authority on economics than Adam Smith
insisted that sympathy and compassion come to human beings as naturally as
self-interest.
1
The faulty assumption that scarcity-based economic thinking is somehow the
de-facto human approach to questions of supply, demand, and distribution of
wealth has misled much anthropological, philosophical, and economic thought
over the past few centuries. As economist John Gowdy explains, ‘“Rational
economic behavior’ is peculiar to market capitalism and is an embedded set of
beliefs, not an objective universal law of nature. The myth of economic man
explains the organizing principle of contemporary capitalism, nothing more or
less.”
2
Homo Economicus
We have a greed, with which we have agreed…
“Society,” by EDDIE VEDDER
Many economists have forgotten (or never understood) that their central
organizing principle, Homo economicus (a.k.a. economic man), is a myth rooted
in assumptions about human nature, not a bedrock truth upon which to base a
durable economic philosophy. When John Stuart Mill proposed what he
admitted to be “an arbitrary definition of man, as a being who inevitably does
that by which he may obtain the greatest amount of necessaries, conveniences,
and luxuries, with the smallest quantity of labour and physical self-denial,”
3
it’s
doubtful he expected his “arbitrary definition” to delimit economic thought for
centuries. Recall Rousseau’s words: “If I had had to choose my place of birth, I
would have chosen a state in which everyone knew everyone else, so that neither
the obscure tactics of vice nor the modesty of virtue could have escaped public
scrutiny and judgment.” Those who proclaim that greed is simply part of human
nature too often leave context unmentioned. Yes, greed is part of human nature.
But so is shame. And so is generosity (and not just toward genetic relatives).
When economists base their models on their fantasies of an “economic man”
motivated only by self-interest, they forget community—the all-important web
of meaning we spin around each other—the inescapable context within which
anything truly human has taken place.
One of the most cited thought experiments in game theory and economics is
called The Prisoner’s Dilemma. It presents such an elegant and simple model of
reciprocity, some scientists refer to it as “the E. coli of social psychology.”
Here’s how it works: Imagine that two suspects are arrested, but the police don’t
have enough evidence for a conviction. After the prisoners are separated, each
gets the same offer: If you testify against your partner and he remains silent,
you’ll go free and he’ll get the full ten-year sentence. If he fesses up but you
don’t, you’ll do the time while he walks free. If neither of you talks, you’ll both
get six months. If you both talk, you’ll both do five years. Each prisoner must
choose to snitch or remain silent. Each is told the other won’t know about his
decision. How will the prisoners respond?
In the classic form of the game, participants almost always betray one
another, as each sees the benefit of quick betrayal: talk first, and walk away free.
But take that theoretical conclusion to a prison anywhere in the world and ask
what happens to “rats.” Theory finally caught up to reality when scientists
decided to let players gain experience with the game and see whether their
behavior changed over time. As Robert Axelrod explains in The Evolution of
Cooperation, players soon learned that they had a better chance if they kept quiet
and assumed that their partner would do the same. If their partner talked, he
acquired a bad reputation and was punished, in a “tit-for-tat” pattern. Over time,
those players with the more altruistic approach flourished, while those who acted
only in their individual short-term interest met serious problems—a shiv in the
shower, maybe.
The classic interpretation of the experiment took another blow when
psychologist Gregory S. Berns and his colleagues decided to monitor female
players with an MRI machine. Berns et al. were expecting to find that subjects
would react most strongly to being cheated—when one tried to cooperate and the
other “snitched.” But that’s not what they found. “The results really surprised
us,” Berns told Natalie Angier, of The New York Times. The brain responded
most energetically to acts of cooperation: “The brightest signals arose in
cooperative alliances and in those neighborhoods of the brain already known to
respond to desserts, pictures of pretty faces, money, cocaine and any number of
licit and illicit delights.”
4
Analyzing the brain scans, Berns and his team found that when the women
cooperated, two parts of the brain, both responsive to dopamine, were activated:
the anteroventral striatum and the orbitofrontal cortex. Both regions are involved
in impulse control, compulsive behavior, and reward processing. Though
surprised by what his team found, Berns found comfort in it. “It’s reassuring,” he
said. “In some ways, it says that we’re wired to cooperate with each other.”
The Tragedy of the Commons
First published in the prestigious journal Science in 1968, biologist Garrett
Hardin’s paper “The Tragedy of the Commons” is one of the most reprinted
articles ever to appear in a scientific journal. The authors of a recent World Bank
Discussion Paper called it “the dominant paradigm within which social scientists
assess natural resource issues,” while anthropologist G. N. Appell says the paper
“has been embraced as a sacred text by scholars and professionals.”
5
Well into the 1800s, much of rural England was considered commons—
property owned by the king but available to everyone—like the open range in
the western United States before the advent of barbed-wire fencing. Using the
English commons as his model, Hardin purported to show what happens when a
resource is communally owned. He reasoned that in “a pasture open to all…each
herdsman will try to keep as many cattle as possible.” Though destructive to the
pasture, the herdsman’s selfishness makes good economic sense from his
personal perspective. Hardin wrote, “The rational herdsman [will conclude] that
the only sensible course for him to pursue is to add another animal to his herd.”
This is the only rational choice because all will share the cost of the degradation
to the land from overgrazing, while the profit gained from additional animals
will be his alone. Since each individual herdsman will come to the same
conclusion, the common ground will inevitably be overgrazed. “Freedom in a
commons,” Hardin concluded, “brings ruin to us all.”
Like Malthus’s thoughts on population growth relative to agricultural
capacity, Hardin’s argument was a hit because (1) it features an A+B=C
simplicity that appears to be inarguably correct; and (2) it is useful in justifying
seemingly heartless decisions by entrenched powers. Malthus’s essay, for
example, was often cited by British business and political leaders to explain their
inaction in the face of widespread poverty in Britain, including the famine of the
1840s in which several million Irish people starved to death (and millions more
fled to the United States). Hardin’s articulation of the folly of communal
ownership has provided cover repeatedly to those arguing for the privatization of
government services and the conquest of native lands.
One other thing Hardin’s elegant argument has in common with that of
Malthus: it collapses on contact with reality.
As Canadian author Ian Angus explains, “Hardin simply ignored what
actually happens in a real commons: self regulation by the communities
involved.” Hardin missed the fact that in small rural communities where
population density is low enough that each of the herdsmen knows the others
(the actual case in the historical English commons and in ancestral foraging
societies), any individual who tries to game the system is quickly found out and
punished. Nobel Prize–winning economist Elinor Ostrom’s studies of commons
management in small-scale communities led her to conclude that, “all
communities have some form of monitoring to gird against cheating or using
more than a fair share of the resource.”
6
Despite how it’s been spun by economists and others arguing against local
resource management, the real tragedy of the commons doesn’t pose a threat to
resources controlled by small groups of interdependent individuals. Forget the
commons. We need to confront the tragedies of the open seas, skies, rivers, and
forests. Fisheries around the world are collapsing because no one has the
authority, power, and motivation to stop international fleets from strip-mining
waters everybody (and thus, nobody) owns. Toxins from Chinese smokestacks
burning illegally mined Russian coal lodge in Korean lungs, while American
cars burning Venezuelan petroleum melt glaciers in Greenland.
What allows these chain-linked tragedies is the absence of local, personal
shame. The false certainty that comes from applying Malthusian economics, the
prisoner’s dilemma, and the tragedy of the commons to pre-agricultural societies
requires that we ignore the fine-grain contours of life in small-scale communities
where nobody “could have escaped public scrutiny and judgment,” in
Rousseau’s words. These tragedies become inevitable only when the group size
exceeds our species’ capacity for keeping track of one another, a point that’s
come to be known as Dunbar’s number. In primate communities, size definitely
matters.
Noticing the importance of grooming behavior in social primates, British
anthropologist Robin Dunbar plotted overall group size against the neocortical
development of the brain. Using this correlation, he predicted that humans start
losing track of who’s doing what to whom when group size hits about 150
individuals. In Dunbar’s words, “The limit imposed by neocortical processing
capacity is simply on the number of individuals with whom a stable interpersonal relationship can be maintained.”
7 Other anthropologists had arrived at
the same number by observing that when group sizes grew much beyond that,
they tend to split into two smaller groups. Writing several years before Dunbar’s
paper was published in 1992, Marvin Harris noted, “With 50 people per band or
150 per village, everybody knew everybody else intimately, so that the bonding
of reciprocal exchange could hold people together. People gave with the
expectation of taking and took with the expectation of giving.”
8 Recent authors,
including Malcolm Gladwell in his best-selling The Tipping Point, have
popularized the idea of 150 being a limit to organically functioning groups.
Having evolved in small, intimate bands where everybody knows our name,
human beings aren’t very good at dealing with the dubious freedoms conferred
by anonymity. When communities grow beyond the point where every
individual has at least a passing acquaintance with everyone else, our behavior
changes, our choices shift, and our sense of the possible and of the acceptable
grows ever more abstract.
The same argument can be made concerning the tragic misunderstanding of
human nature that underlies communism: community ownership doesn’t work in
large-scale societies where people operate in anonymity. In The Power of Scale,
anthropologist John Bodley wrote: “The size of human societies and cultures
matters because larger societies will naturally have more concentrated social
power. Larger societies will be less democratic than smaller societies, and they
will have an unequal distribution of risks and rewards.”
9 Right, because the
bigger the society is, the less functional shame becomes. When the Berlin Wall
came down, jubilant capitalists announced that the essential flaw of communism
had been its failure to account for human nature. Well, yes and no. Marx’s fatal
error was his failure to appreciate the importance of context. Human nature
functions one way in the context of intimate, interdependent societies, but set
loose in anonymity, we become a different creature. Neither beast is more nor
less human.
Dreams of Perpetual Progress
He is a barbarian, and thinks that the customs of his tribe and island are
the laws of nature.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW, Caesar in Caesar and Cleopatra, Act II
Were we really born in the best possible time and place? Or is ours a random
moment in infinity—just another among uncountable moments, each with its
compensating pleasures and disappointments? Perhaps you find it absurd to even
entertain such a question, to assume there’s any choice in the matter. But there
is. We all have a psychological tendency to view our own experience as
standard, to see our community as The People, to believe—perhaps
subconsciously—that we are the chosen ones, God is on our side, and our team
deserves to win. To see the present in the most flattering light, we paint the past
in blood-red hues of suffering and terror. Hobbes has been scratching this
persistent psychological itch for several centuries now.
It is a common mistake to assume that evolution is a process of
improvement, that evolving organisms are progressing toward some final,
perfected state. But they, and we, are not. An evolving society or organism
simply adapts over the generations to changing conditions. While these
modifications may be immediately beneficial, they are not really improvements
because external conditions never stop shifting.
This error underlies the assumption that here and now is obviously better
than there and then. Three and a half centuries later, scientists still quote
Hobbes, telling us how lucky we are to live after the rise of the state, to have
avoided the universal suffering of our barbaric past. It’s deeply comforting to
think we’re the lucky ones, but let’s ask the forbidden question: How lucky are
we really?
Ancient Poverty or Assumed Affluence?
Prehistoric humans did not habitually store food, but this doesn’t mean they
lived in chronic hunger. Studies of prehistoric human bones and teeth show
ancient human life was marked by episodic fasts and feasts, but prolonged
periods of starvation were rare. How do we know our ancestors weren’t living at
the brink of starvation?
When children and adolescents don’t get adequate nutrition for as little as a
week, growth slows in the long bones in their arms and legs. When their
nutritional intake recovers and the bones begin to grow again, the density of the
new bone growth differs from the interruption. X-rays reveal these telltale lines
in ancient bones, known as Harris lines.
10
Periods of more prolonged malnutrition leave signs on the teeth known as
hypoplasias—discolored bands and small pits in the enamel surface, which can
still be seen many centuries later in fossilized remains. Archaeologists find fewer
Harris lines and dental hypoplasias in the remains of prehistoric hunter-gatherer
populations than they do in the skeletons of settled populations who lived in
villages dependent on cultivation for their food supply. Being highly mobile,
hunter-gatherers were unlikely to suffer from prolonged starvation since in most
cases, they could simply move to areas where conditions were better.
Approximately eight hundred skeletons from the Dickson Mounds in the
lower Illinois Valley have been analyzed. They reveal a clear picture of the
health changes that accompanied the shift from foraging to corn farming around
1200 AD. Archaeologist George Armelagos and his colleagues reported that the
farmers’ remains show a 50 percent increase in chronic malnutrition, and three
times the incidence of infectious diseases (indicated by bone lesions) compared
with the foragers who preceded them. Furthermore, they found evidence of
increased infant mortality, delayed skeletal growth in adults, and a fourfold
increase in porotic hyperostosis, indicating iron-deficiency anemia in more than
half the population.
11
Many have noted the strangely cavalier approach to food among foragers,
who have nothing in the freezer. French Jesuit missionary Paul Le Jeune, who
spent some six months among the Montagnais in present-day Quebec, was
exasperated by the natives’ generosity. “If my host took two, three, or four
Beavers,” wrote Le Jeune, “whether it was day or night, they had a feast for all
neighboring Savages. And if those people had captured something, they had one
also at the same time; so that, on emerging from one feast, you went to another,
and sometimes even to a third and a fourth.” When Le Jeune tried to explain the
advantages of saving some of their food, “They laughed at me. ‘Tomorrow’
(they said) ‘we shall make another feast with what we shall capture.’”
12
Israeli
anthropologist Nurit Bird-David explains, “Just as Westerners’ behaviour is
understandable in relation to their assumption of shortage, so hunter-gatherers’
behaviour is understandable in relation to their assumption of affluence.
Moreover, just as we analyze, even predict, Westerners’ behavior by presuming
that they behave as if they did not have enough, so we can analyze, even predict,
hunter-gatherers’ behaviour by presuming that they behave as if they had it made
[emphasis added].”
13
While farmers toil to grow rice, potatoes, wheat, or corn, a forager’s diet is
characterized by a variety of nutritious plants and critters. But how much work is
foraging? Is it an efficient way to get a meal?
Archaeologist David Madsen investigated the energy efficiency of foraging
for Mormon crickets (Anabrus simplex), which had been on the menu of the
local native people in present-day Utah. His group collected crickets at a rate of
about eighteen crunchy pounds per hour. At that rate, Madsen calculated that in
just an hour’s work, a forager could collect the caloric equivalent of eightyseven chili dogs, forty-nine slices of pizza, or forty-three Big Macs—without all
the heart-clogging fats and additives.
14 Before you scoff at the culinary appeal of
Mormon crickets, give some thought to the frightening reality lurking within a
typical chili dog. Another study found that the !Kung San (in the Kalahari desert,
mind you) had an average daily intake (in a good month) of 2,140 calories and
ninety-three grams of protein. Marvin Harris puts it simply: “Stone age
populations lived healthier lives than did most of the people who came
immediately after them.”
15
And maybe healthier than people who came long after them, too. The castles
and museums of Europe are full of suits of armor too small to fit any but the
most diminutive of modern men. While our medieval ancestors were shrimpy by
modern standards, archaeologist Timothy Taylor believes that the human
ancestors who first controlled fire—about 1.4 million years ago—were taller
than the average person today. Skeletons dug up in Greece and Turkey show that
pre-agricultural men in those areas were about five foot nine on average, with
women being about five foot five. But with the adoption of agriculture, average
height plummeted. Modern Greeks and Turks still aren’t as tall, on average, as
their ancient ancestors.
Throughout the world, the shift to agriculture accompanied a dramatic drop
in the quality of most people’s diets and overall health. Describing what he terms
“the worst mistake in human history,” Jared Diamond writes, “Hunter-gatherers
practiced the most successful and longest-lasting life style in human history. In
contrast,” he concludes, “we’re still struggling with the mess into which
agriculture has tumbled us, and it’s unclear whether we can solve it.”
On Paleolithic Politics
Prehistoric life involved a lot of napping. In his provocative essay “The Original
Affluent Society,” Sahlins notes that among foraging people, “the food quest is
so successful that half the time the people do not seem to know what to do with
themselves.”
16 Even Australian Aborigines living in apparently unforgiving and
empty country had no trouble finding enough to eat (as well as sleeping about
three hours per afternoon in addition to a full night’s rest). Richard Lee’s
research with !Kung San bushmen of the Kalahari Desert in Botswana indicates
that they spend only about fifteen hours per week getting food. “A woman
gathers on one day enough food to feed her family for three days, and spends the
rest of her time resting in camp, doing embroidery, visiting other camps, or
entertaining visitors from other camps. For each day at home, kitchen routines,
such as cooking, nut cracking, collecting firewood, and fetching water, occupy
one to three hours of her time. This rhythm of steady work and steady leisure is
maintained throughout the year.”
17
A day or two of light work followed by a day or two off. How’s that sound?
Because food is found in the surrounding environment, no one can control
another’s access to life’s necessities in hunter-gatherer society. Harris explains
that in this context, “Egalitarianism is…firmly rooted in the openness of
resources, the simplicity of the tools of production, the lack of non-transportable
property, and the labile structure of the band.”
18
When you can’t block people’s access to food and shelter, and you can’t stop
them from leaving, how can you control them? The ubiquitous political
egalitarianism of foraging people is rooted in this simple reality. Having no
coercive power, leaders are simply those who are followed—individuals who
have earned the respect of their companions. Such “leaders” do not—cannot
—demand anyone’s obedience. This insight is not breaking news. In his
Lectures on Jurisprudence, which was published posthumously in 1896, Adam
Smith wrote, “In a nation of hunters there is properly no government at all….
[They] have agreed among themselves to keep together for their mutual safety,
but they have no authority one over another.”
It’s not surprising that conservative evolutionary psychologists have found
foragers’ insistence on sharing to be one of their most difficult nuts to crack.
Given the iconic status of Dawkins’s book The Selfish Gene and the popularized,
status-quo protective notion of the all-against-all struggle for survival, the quest
to explain why foraging people are so maddeningly generous to one another has
occupied dozens of authors. In The Origins of Virtue, science writer Matt Ridley
summarizes the inherent contradiction they face: “Our minds have been built by
selfish genes, but they have been built to be social, trustworthy and
cooperative.”
19 One must walk a tightrope to insist that selfishness is (and has
always been) the principal engine of human evolution even in the face of
copious data demonstrating that human social organization was founded upon an
impulse for sharing for many millennia.
Of course, this conflict would evaporate if proponents of the always-selfish
theory of human nature accepted contextual limits to their argument. In other
words, in a zero-sum context (like that of modern capitalist societies where we
live among strangers), it makes sense, on some levels, for individuals to look out
for themselves. But in other contexts human behavior is characterized by an
equal instinct toward generosity and justice.
20
Even if many of his followers prefer to ignore the subtleties of his
arguments, Dawkins himself appreciates them fully, writing, “Much of animal
nature is indeed altruistic, cooperative and even attended by benevolent
subjective emotions…. Altruism at the level of the individual organism can be a
means by which the underlying genes maximize their self-interest.”
21 Despite
famously inventing the concept of the “selfish gene,” Dawkins sees group
cooperation as a way to advance an individual’s agenda (thereby advancing each
individual’s genetic interests). Why, then, are so many of his admirers unwilling
to entertain the notion that cooperation among human beings and other animals
may be every bit as natural and effective as short-sighted selfishness?
Nonhuman primates offer intriguing evidence of the “soft power of peace”—
and not just horny bonobos, either. Frans de Waal and Denise Johanowicz
devised an experiment to see what would happen when two different macaque
species were placed together for five months. Rhesus monkeys (Macaca
mulatta) are aggressive and violent, while stump-tails (Macaca arctoides) are
known for their more chilled-out approach to life. The stump-tails, for example,
make up after conflict by gripping each other’s hips, whereas reconciliations are
rarely witnessed among rhesus monkeys. Once the two species were placed
together, however, the scientists saw that the more peaceful, conciliatory
behavior of the stump-tails dominated the more aggressive rhesus attitudes.
Gradually, the rhesus monkeys relaxed. As de Waal recounts, “Juveniles of the
two species played together, groomed together, and slept in large, mixed
huddles. Most importantly, the rhesus monkeys developed peacemaking skills on
a par with those of their more tolerant group mates.” Even when the experiment
concluded, and the two species were once again housed only with their own
kind, the rhesus monkeys were still three times more likely to reconcile after
conflict and groom their rivals.
22
A fluke? Neuroscientist/primatologist Robert Sapolsky has spent decades
observing a group of baboons in Kenya, starting when he was a student in 1978.
In the mid-1980s, a significant proportion of adult males in the group abruptly
died of tuberculosis they’d picked up from infected food in a dump outside a
tourist hotel. But the prized (albeit infected) dump food had been eaten only by
the most belligerent baboons, who had driven away less aggressive males,
females, or juveniles. Justice! With all the hard-ass males gone, the laid-back
survivors were in charge. The defenseless troop was a treasure ready-made for
pirates: a whole troop of females, sub-adults, and easily cowed males just
waiting for some neighboring tough guys to waltz in and start raping and
pillaging.
Because male baboons leave their natal troop at adolescence, within a
decade of the dump cataclysm, none of the original, atypically mellow males
were still around. But, as Sapolsky reports, “the troop’s unique culture was being
adopted by new males joining the troop.” In 2004, Sapolsky reported that two
decades after the tuberculosis “tragedy,” the troop still showed higher-thannormal rates of males grooming and affiliating with females, an unusually
relaxed dominance hierarchy, and physiological evidence of lower-than-normal
anxiety levels among the normally stressed-out low-ranking males. Even more
recently, Sapolsky told us that as of his most recent visit, in the summer of 2007,
the troop’s unique culture appeared to be intact.
23
In Hierarchy in the Forest, primatologist Christopher Boehm argues that
egalitarianism is an eminently rational, even hierarchical political system,
writing, “Individuals who otherwise would be subordinated are clever enough to
form a large and united political coalition, and they do so for the express purpose
of keeping the strong from dominating the weak.” According to Boehm, foragers
are downright feline in refusing to follow orders, writing, “Nomadic foragers are
universally—and all but obsessively—concerned with being free of the authority
of others.”
24
Prehistory must have been a frustrating time for megalomaniacs. “An
individual endowed with the passion for control,” writes psychologist Erich
Fromm, “would have been a social failure and without influence.”
25
What if—thanks to the combined effects of very low population density, a
highly omnivorous digestive system, our uniquely elevated social intelligence,
institutionalized sharing of food, casually promiscuous sexuality leading to
generalized child care, and group defense—human prehistory was in fact a time
of relative peace and prosperity? If not a “Golden Age,” then at least a “Silver
Age” (“Bronze Age” being taken)? Without falling into dreamy visions of
paradise, can we—dare we—consider the possibility that our ancestors lived in a
world where for most people, on most days, there was enough for everyone? By
now, everyone knows “there’s no free lunch.” But what would it mean if our
species evolved in a world where every lunch was free? How would our
appreciation of prehistory (and consequently, of ourselves) change if we saw that
our journey began in leisure and plenty, only veering into misery, scarcity, and
ruthless competition a hundred centuries ago?
Difficult as it may be for some to accept, skeletal evidence clearly shows
that our ancestors didn’t experience widespread, chronic scarcity until the advent
of agriculture. Chronic food shortages and scarcity-based economies are artifacts
of social systems that arose with farming. In his introduction to Limited Wants,
Unlimited Means, Gowdy points to the central irony: “Hunter-gatherers…spent
their abundant leisure time eating, drinking, playing, socializing—in short, doing
the very things we associate with affluence.”
Despite no solid evidence to support it, the public hears little to dispute this
apocalyptic vision of prehistory. The sense of human nature intrinsic to Western
economic theory is mistaken. The notion that humans are driven only by selfinterest is, in Gowdy’s words, “a microscopically small minority view among
the tens of thousands of cultures that have existed since Homo sapiens emerged
some 200,000 years ago.” For the vast majority of human generations that have
ever lived, it would have been unthinkable to hoard food when those around you
were hungry. “The hunter-gatherer,” writes Gowdy, “represents uneconomic
man.”
26
Remember, even those “wretched” inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego,
condemned to “the bottom of the scale of human beings,” threw down their hoes
and walked away from their gardens once the HMS Beagle sailed out of sight.
They knew firsthand how “civilized” people lived, yet they had “not the least
wish to return to England.” Why would they? They were “happy and contented”
with “plenty fruits,” “plenty fish,” and “plenty birdies.”
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
The Never-Ending Battle over Prehistoric War (Brutish?)
Evolutionists say that back in the twilight of life a beast, name and nature
unknown, planted a murderous seed and that the impulse thus originated in
that seed throbs forever in the blood of the brute’s descendants….
WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN
1
Just as neo-Hobbesian fundamentalists hold that poverty is intrinsic to the
eternal human condition, they maintain that war is fundamental to our nature.
Author Nicolas Wade, for example, claims that “warfare between pre-state
societies was incessant, merciless and conducted with the general purpose, often
achieved, of annihilating the opponent.”
2 According to this view, our propensity
for organized conflict has roots reaching deep into our biological past, back to
distant primate ancestors by way of our foraging forebears. It’s always been
about making war, supposedly, not love.
But nobody’s very clear what all this incessant war was over. Despite his
certainty that foragers’ lives were plagued by “constant warfare,” Wade
acknowledges that “ancestral people lived in small egalitarian societies, without
property, or leaders or differences of rank….” So we’re to understand that
egalitarian, nonhierarchical, nomadic groups without property…were constantly
at war? Hunter-gatherer societies, possessing so little and thus with so little to
lose (other than their lives), living on a wide-open planet were nothing like the
densely populated, settled societies struggling over dwindling or accumulated
resources in more recent historical times.
3 Why would they be?
We’ve no space for a comprehensive response to this aspect of the standard
Hobbesian narrative, but we’ve selected three well-known figures associated
with it for a closer look at their arguments and data: evolutionary psychologist
Stephen Pinker, the revered primatologist Jane Goodall, and the world’s most
famous living anthropologist, Napoleon Chagnon.
4
Professor Pinker, Red in Tooth and Claw
Imagine a high-profile expert stands before a distinguished audience and argues
that Asians are warlike people. In support of his argument, he presents statistics
from seven countries: Argentina, Poland, Ireland, Nigeria, Canada, Italy, and
Russia. “Wait a minute,” you might say, “those aren’t even Asian countries—
except, possibly, Russia.” The expert would be laughed off the stage—as he
should be.
In 2007, world-famous Harvard professor and best-selling author Steven
Pinker gave a presentation built upon similarly flawed logic at the TED
conference (Technology, Entertainment, Design) in Long Beach, California.
5
Pinker’s presentation provides both a concise statement of the neo-Hobbesian
view of the origins of war and an illuminating look at the dubious rhetorical
tactics often used to promote this bloodstained vision of our prehistory. The
twenty-minute talk is available at the TED website.
6 We encourage you to watch
at least the first five minutes (dealing with prehistory) before reading the
following discussion. Go ahead. We’ll wait here.
Though Pinker spends less than 10 percent of his time discussing huntergatherers (a social configuration, you’ll recall, that represents well over 95
percent of our time on the planet), he manages to make a real mess of things.
Three and a half minutes into his talk, Pinker presents a chart based on
Lawrence Keeley’s War Before Civilization: The Myth of the Peaceful Savage.
The chart shows “the percentage of male deaths due to warfare in a number of
foraging or hunting and gathering societies.” He explains that the chart shows
that hunter-gatherer males were far more likely to die in war than are men living
today.
Pinker’s Chart (Percentage Male Deaths Due to Warfare)
But hold on. Take a closer look at that chart. It lists seven “hunter-gatherer”
cultures as representative of prehistoric war-related male death. The seven
cultures listed are the Jivaro, two branches of Yanomami, the Mae Enga, Dugum
Dani, Murngin, Huli, and Gebusi. The Jivaro and both Yanomami groups are
from the Amazon region, the Murngin are from northern coastal Australia, and
the other four are all from the conflict-ridden, densely populated highlands of
Papua New Guinea.
Are these groups representative of our hunter-gatherer ancestors? Not even
close.
7
Only one of the seven societies cited by Pinker (the Murngin) even
approaches being an immediate-return foraging society (the way Russia is sort of
Asian, if you ignore most of its population and history). The Murngin had been
living with missionaries, guns, and aluminum powerboats for decades by the
time the data Pinker cites were collected in 1975—not exactly prehistoric
conditions.
None of the other societies cited by Pinker are immediate-return huntergatherers, like our ancestors were. They cultivate yams, bananas, or sugarcane in
village gardens, while raising domesticated pigs, llamas, or chickens.
8 Even
beyond the fact that these societies are not remotely representative of our
nomadic, immediate-return hunter-gatherer ancestors, there are still further
problems with the data Pinker cites. Among the Yanomami, true levels of
warfare are subject to passionate debate among anthropologists, as we’ll discuss
shortly. The Murngin are not typical even of Australian native cultures,
representing a bloody exception to the typical Australian Aborigine pattern of
little to no intergroup conflict.
9 Nor does Pinker get the Gebusi right. Bruce
Knauft, the anthropologist whose research Pinker cites on his chart, says the
Gebusi’s elevated death rates had nothing to do with warfare. In fact, Knauft
reports that warfare is “rare” among the Gebusi, writing, “Disputes over territory
or resources are extremely infrequent and tend to be easily resolved.”
10
Despite all this, Pinker stood before his audience and argued, with a straight
face, that his chart depicted a fair estimate of typical hunter-gatherer mortality
rates in prehistoric war. This is quite literally unbelievable.
11
But Pinker is not alone in employing such sleight-of-hand to advance of
Hobbes’s dark view of human prehistory. In fact, this selective presentation of
dubious data is disturbingly common in the literature on human blood-lust.
In their book Demonic Males, Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson admit
that war is unusual in nature, “a startling exception to the normal rule for
animals.” But because intergroup violence has been documented in both humans
and chimps, they argue, a propensity for war must be an ancient human quality,
going back to our last common ancestor. We are, they warn, “the dazed
survivors of a continuous, 5-million-year habit of lethal aggression.” Ouch.
But where are the bonobos? In a book of over 250 pages, the word bonobo
appears on only eleven of them, and the species is dismissed as offering a less
relevant sense of our last common ancestor than the common chimpanzee does
—although many primatologists argue the opposite.
12 But at least they
mentioned the bonobo.
In 2007, David Livingstone Smith, author of The Most Dangerous Animal:
Human Nature and the Origins of War, published an essay exploring the
evolutionary argument that war is rooted in our primate past. In his grisly
accounts of chimps pummeling one another to a bloody pulp and eating each
other alive, Smith repeatedly refers to them as “our closest non-human relative.”
You’d never know from reading his essay that we have an equally close
nonhuman relative. The bonobo was left strangely—if typically—
unmentioned.
13
Amid the macho posturing about the brutal implications of chimpanzee
violence, doesn’t the equally relevant, nonwarring bonobo rate a mention, at
least? Why all the yelling about yang with nary a whisper of yin? All darkness
and no light may get audiences excited, but it can’t illuminate them. This oopsforgot-to-mention-the-bonobo technique is distressingly common in the literature
on the ancient origins of war.
But the bonobo’s conspicuous absence is notable not just in discussions of
war. Look for the missing bonobo wherever someone claims an ancient pedigree
for human male violence of any sort. See if you can find the bonobo in this
account of the origins of rape, from The Dark Side of Man: “Men did not invent
rape. Instead, they very likely inherited rape behavior from our ape ancestral
lineage. Rape is a standard male reproductive strategy and likely has been one
for millions of years. Male humans, chimpanzees, and orangutans routinely rape
females. Wild gorillas violently abduct females to mate with them. Captive
gorillas also rape females.”
14
(Emphasis is in the original.)
Leaving aside the complications of defining rape in nonhuman species
unable to communicate their experiences and motivations, rape—along with
infanticide, war, and murder—has never been witnessed among bonobos in
several decades of observation. Not in the wild. Not in the zoo. Never.
Doesn’t that warrant a footnote, even?
The Mysterious Disappearance of Margaret Power
Even apart from doubts raised by bonobos, there are serious questions worth
asking about the nature of chimp “warfare.” In the 1970s, Richard Wrangham
was a graduate student studying the relation between food supply and chimp
behavior at Jane Goodall’s research center at Gombe, Tanzania. In 1991, five
years before Wrangham and Peterson’s Demonic Males came out, Margaret
Power published a carefully researched book, The Egalitarians: Human and
Chimpanzee, that asked important questions concerning some of Goodall’s
research on chimpanzees (without, it must be said, ever expressing anything but
admiration for Goodall’s scientific integrity and intentions). But Power’s name
and her doubts are nowhere to be found in Demonic Males.
Power noticed that data Goodall collected in her first years at Gombe (from
1961 to 1965) painted a different picture of chimpanzee social interaction than
the accounts of chimpanzee warfare she and her colleagues published to global
acclaim a few years later. Observations from those first four years at Gombe had
left Goodall with the impression that the chimps were “far more peaceable than
humans.” She saw no evidence of “war” between groups and only sporadic
outbreaks of violence between individuals.
These initial impressions of overall primate peace mesh with research
published four decades later, in 2002, by primatologists Robert Sussman and
Paul Garber, who conducted a comprehensive review of the scientific literature
on social behavior in primates. After reviewing more than eighty studies of how
various primates spend their waking hours, they found that “in almost all species
across the board, from diurnal lemurs—the most primitive primates—to apes…
usually less than 5 percent of their day is spent in any active social behavior
whatsoever.” Sussman and Garber found that “usually less than 1 percent of
their day is spent fighting or competing, and it’s unusually much less than 1
percent.” They found cooperative, affiliative behavior like playing and grooming
to be ten to twenty times more common than conflict in all primate species.
15
But Goodall’s impression of relative harmony was to change—not
coincidentally, argues Power—precisely when she and her students began giving
the chimps hundreds of bananas every day, to entice them to hang around the
camp so they could be observed more easily.
In the wild, chimps spread out to search for food individually or in small
groups. Because the food is scattered throughout the jungle, competition is
unusual. But, as Frans de Waal explains, “as soon as humans start providing
food, even in the jungle, the peace is quickly disturbed.”
16
The mounds of deliciously smelly fruit locked in reinforced concrete boxes
opened only for timed, regular feedings altered the chimps’ behavior
dramatically. Goodall’s assistants had to keep rebuilding the boxes, as the
frustrated apes found endless ways of prying or smashing them open. Ripe fruit
that could not be eaten immediately was a new experience for them—one that
left the chimps confused and enraged. Imagine telling a room of unruly threeyear-olds on Christmas morning (each with the strength of four adult men) that
they’ll have to wait an unspecified amount of time to open the piles of presents
they can see right there, under the tree.
Recalling this period a few years later, Goodall wrote, “The constant feeding
was having a marked effect upon the behaviour of the chimps. They were
beginning to move about in large groups more often than they had ever done in
the old days. They were sleeping near camp and arriving in noisy hordes early in
the morning. Worst of all, the adult males were becoming increasingly
aggressive…. Not only was there a great deal more fighting than ever before,
but many of the chimps were hanging around camp for hours and hours every
day [emphasis added].”
17
Margaret Power’s doubts concerning Goodall’s provisioning of the chimps
have been largely left unaddressed by most primatologists, not just Wrangham.
18
Michael Ghiglieri, for example, went to study the chimps in Kibale Forest in
nearby Uganda specifically in response to the notion that the intergroup conflict
Goodall’s team had witnessed might have been due to the distorting effects of
those banana boxes. Ghiglieri writes, “My mission…[was] to find out whether
these warlike killings were normal or an artifact of the researchers having
provisioned the chimps with food to observe them.”
19 But somehow Margaret
Power’s name doesn’t even appear in the index of Ghiglieri’s book, published
eight years after hers.
We lack the space to adequately explore the questions Power raised, or to
address subsequent reports of intergroup conflict among some (but not all)
unprovisioned chimps in other study areas.
20 While we’ve got our doubts about
the motivations of Pinker and Chagnon (see below), like Margaret Power, we
have none about Jane Goodall’s intentions or scientific integrity. Still, with all
due respect to Goodall, Power’s questions deserve consideration by anyone
seriously interested in the debate over the possible primate origins of warfare.
The Spoils of War
Margaret Power’s questions cut to the heart of the matter: why fight if there’s
nothing worth fighting over? Before the scientists started provisioning the apes,
food appeared throughout the jungle, so the chimps spread out in search of
something to eat each day. Chimps often call out to the others when they find a
fruiting tree; mutual aid helps everyone, and feeding in the forest isn’t a zerosum endeavor. But once they learned that there would be a limited amount of
easy food available in the same place each day, more and more chimps started
arriving in aggressive, “noisy hordes” and “hanging around.” Soon after,
Goodall and her students began witnessing the now-famous “warfare” between
chimp groups.
Perhaps for the first time ever, the chimps had something worth fighting
over: a concentrated, reliable, yet limited source of food. Suddenly, they lived in
a zero-sum world.
Applying this same reasoning to human societies, we’re left wondering why
immediate-return hunter-gatherers would risk their lives to fight wars. Over
what, exactly? Food? That’s spread out in the environment. Societies indigenous
to areas where food is concentrated by natural conditions, like the periodic
salmon runs of the Pacific Northwest of the United States and Canada, tend not
to be immediate-return hunter-gatherers. We’re more likely to find complex,
hierarchical societies like the Kwakiutl (discussed later) in such spots.
Possessions? Foragers have few possessions of any nonsentimental value. Land?
Our ancestors evolved on a planet nearly empty of human beings for the vast
majority of our existence as a species. Women? Possibly, but this claim
presumes that population growth was important to foragers and that women were
commodities to be fought over and traded like the livestock of pastoralists. It’s
likely that keeping population stable was more important to foragers than
expanding it. As we’ve seen, when a group reaches a certain number of people,
it tends to split into smaller groups anyway, and there is no inherent advantage in
having more people to feed in band-level societies. We’ve also seen that women
and men would have been free to move among different bands in the fissionfusion social system typical of hunter-gatherers, chimps, and bonobos.
The causal reverberations between social structure (foraging, horticultural,
agrarian, industrial), population density, and the likelihood of war is supported
by research conducted by sociologist Patrick Nolan, who found, “Warfare is
more likely in advanced horticultural and agrarian societies than it is in huntingand-gathering and simple horticultural societies.” When he limited his analysis
only to hunter-gatherer and agrarian societies, Nolan found that above-average
population density was the best predictor of war.
21
This finding is problematic for the argument that human war is a “5-millionyear habit,” given our ancestors’ low population densities until the postagricultural population explosion began just a few thousand years ago. Recent
research looking at changes in mitochondrial DNA confirms that already low
prehistoric global human population levels dropped nearly to extinction at
several points (due to climatological catastrophes probably triggered by volcanic
eruptions, asteroid strikes, and sudden changes in ocean currents). As mentioned
previously, the entire world population of Homo sapiens may have dropped to
just a few thousand individuals as recently as 74,000 years ago, when the
massive Toba eruption severely disrupted world climate. But even with much of
the northern hemisphere covered in ice, the world was anything but crowded for
our distant ancestors.
22
Population demographics have triggered wars in more recent historical
times. Ecologist Peter Turchin and anthropologist Andrey Korotayev looked at
data from English, Chinese, and Roman history, finding strong statistical
correlations between increases in population density and warfare. Their research
suggests population growth could account for as much as 90 percent of the
variation between historical periods of war and peace.
23
Early agriculture’s stores of harvested grain and herds of placid livestock
were like boxes of bananas in the jungle. There was now something worth
fighting over: more. More land to cultivate. More women to increase population
to work the land, raise armies to defend it, and help with the harvest. More
slaves for the hard labor of planting, harvesting, and fighting. Failed crops in one
area would lead desperate farmers to raid neighbors, who would retaliate, and so
on, over and over.
24
Freedom (from war) is just another word for nothing to lose—or gain.
But neo-Hobbesians ignore this rather straightforward analysis and the data
supporting it, insisting that war must be an eternal human drive, all too often
resorting to desperate rhetorical tactics like Pinker’s to defend their view.
In the fourth chapter of his book Sick Societies: Challenging the Myth of
Primitive Harmony, for example, Robert Edgerton writes, “Social stratification
developed in some small-scale societies that lacked not only bureaucracies and
priesthoods but cultivation as well.” Okay, but in support of this assertion about
social stratification and brutal rule by elites in “small-scale societies,” he offers
fifteen pages of vivid descriptions of, in this order (and leaving nothing out):
the Kwakiutl Indians of Vancouver Island (a slave-owning, settled,
property-accumulating, potlatch-celebrating, complex, hierarchical society);
the Aztec Empire (numbering in the millions, with elaborate religious
structures, priesthoods, and untold acres of slave-cultivated land around a
capital city larger than any in Europe at the time of first contact, featuring
sewage systems and lighted streets at night);
the Zulu Empire (again, numbering well into the millions, with slavery,
intensive agriculture, animal domestication, and continent-wide trade
networks);
the Asante Empire of present-day Ghana, which, Edgerton tells us, “was
incomparably the greatest military power in West Africa.”
25
What any of these empires have to do with small-scale societies with no
bureaucracies, priesthoods, or cultivation, Edgerton doesn’t say. In fact, he
doesn’t mention a single foraging society for the rest of the chapter. This is like
declaring that cats are difficult to train, then offering as evidence German
shepherds, beagles, greyhounds, and golden retrievers.
In Beyond War, anthropologist Doug Fry rebuts the neo-Hobbesian view of
universal war. “The belief that ‘there has always been war,’” Fry writes, “does
not correspond with the archaeological facts of the matter.” Anthropologist
Leslie Sponsel agrees, writing, “Lack of archaeological evidence for warfare
suggests that it was rare or absent for most of human prehistory.” After
conducting a comprehensive review of prehistoric skeletal evidence,
anthropologist Brian Ferguson concluded that apart from one particular site in
modern-day Sudan, “only about a dozen Homo sapiens skeletons 10,000 years
old or older, out of hundreds of similar antiquity examined to date, show clear
indications of interpersonal violence.” Ferguson continues, “If warfare were
prevalent in early prehistoric times, the abundant materials in the archaeological
record would be rich with evidence of warfare. But the signs are not there.”
26
Our bullshit detectors go off when scholars point to violent chimps and a
few cherry-picked horticultural human societies mislabeled as foragers, claiming
these as evidence of ancient tendencies toward warfare. Even more troubling,
these scholars often remain mute on the distorting effects on chimps of food
provisioning, ever-shrinking habitats under siege from armies of hungry soldiers
and poachers, reduced living space, food, and genetic vigor. Equally troubling is
their silence on the crucial effects of population demographics and the rise of the
agricultural state on the likelihood of human conflict.
The Napoleonic Invasion (The Yanomami Controversy)
As the summer of love was winding down and Jane Goodall’s first reports of
chimpanzee warfare were exploding into public consciousness, Napoleon
Chagnon suddenly became the world’s most famous living anthropologist with
the publication of Yanomamö: The Fierce People. The year 1968 was a good one
to come out with a dashing anthropological adventure yarn claiming to prove
that warfare is ancient and integral to human nature.
The year began with the revolution in Prague and the TET offensive in
Vietnam. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s worst dream came true in Memphis, Robert
Kennedy was felled in a hotel kitchen, and blood and chaos ran in the streets of
Chicago. Richard Nixon slinked into the White House, Charles Manson and his
lost followers plotted mayhem in the dry hills above Malibu, and the Beatles put
the final touches on The White Album. The year ended with three American
astronauts, for the first time ever, gazing back upon this fragile blue planet
floating in eternal silence, praying for peace.
27
Given all that, perhaps it’s not surprising that Chagnon’s account of the
“chronic warfare” of the “innately violent” Yanomami struck a public nerve.
Desperate to understand human murderousness, the public lapped up his
depictions of the day-to-day brutality of people he described as our
“contemporary ancestors.” Now in its fifth edition, Yanomamö: The Fierce
People is still the all-time bestseller in anthropology, with millions of copies
sold to university students alone. Chagnon’s books and films have figured
prominently in the education of several generations of anthropologists, most of
whom accepted his claims to have demonstrated the inherent ferocity of our
species.
But Chagnon’s research should be approached with caution, as he employs a
host of dubious techniques. Ferguson found, for example, that Chagnon
conflates common murder with war in his statistics, as does Pinker in his
discussion of the Gebusi. But more importantly, Chagnon fails to account for the
effects of his own disruptive, rather Hemingway-esque presence among the
people he studied. According to Patrick Tierney, author of Darkness in El
Dorado, “The wars that made Chagnon and the Yanomami famous—the ones he
wrote about with such relish in The Fierce People—began on November 14,
1964, the same day the anthropologist arrived with his shotguns, outboard motor,
and a canoe full of steel goods to give away.”
28 Tierney cites Chagnon’s own
doctoral thesis, showing that in the thirteen years prior to his arrival, no
Namowei (a large branch of the Yanomami) had been killed in warfare. But
during his thirteen-month residence among them, ten Yanomami died in a
conflict between the Namowei and the Patanowateri (another branch).
Kenneth Good, an anthropologist who first went to live with the Yanomami
as one of Chagnon’s graduate students and stayed on for twelve years, described
Chagnon as “a hit-and-run anthropologist who comes into villages with armloads
of machetes to purchase cooperation for his research. Unfortunately,” wrote
Good, “he creates conflict and division wherever he goes.”
29
Part of Chagnon’s disruptiveness no doubt resulted from his blustery, macho
self-conception, but his research goals may have been an even bigger source of
problems. He wanted to collect genealogical information from the Yanomami.
This is a tricky proposition, to say the least, given that the Yanomami consider it
disrespectful to speak names out loud. Naming the dead requires breaking one of
the strongest taboos in their culture. Juan Finkers, who lived among them for
twenty-five years, says, “To name the dead, among the Yanomami, is a grave
insult, a motive of division, fights, and wars.”
30 Anthropologist Marshall Sahlins
described Chagnon’s research as “an absurdist anthropological project,” trying to
work out ancestor-based lineages “among a people who by taboo could not
know, could not trace and could not name their ancestors—or for that matter,
could not bear to hear their own names.”
31
Chagnon dealt with his hosts’ taboo by playing one village off against
another. In his own account, he:
began taking advantage of local arguments and animosities in selecting my
informants…. traveling to other villages to check the genealogies, picking
villages that were on strained terms with the people about whom I wanted
information. I would then return to my base camp and check with local
informants the accuracy of the new information. If the informants became
angry when I mentioned the new names I acquired from the unfriendly
group, I was almost certain that the information was accurate…. I
occasionally hit a name that put the informant into a rage, such as that of a
dead brother or sister that other informants had not reported.
32
To recap:
1. Our hero swashbuckles into Yanomami lands, bringing machetes, axes, and
shotguns he presents to a few select groups, thereby creating disruptive
power imbalances between groups.
2. He detects and aggravates preexisting tensions between communities by
goading them to disrespect each other’s honored ancestors and dead loved
ones.
3. Inflaming the situation further, Chagnon reports the offenses he’s provoked,
using the resulting rage to confirm the validity of his genealogical data.
4. Having thus inflicted and salted the Yanomami’s wounds, Chagnon sallies
forth to seduce the American public with tales of derring-do among the
vicious and violent “savages.”
The word anthro has entered the vocabulary of the Yanomami. It signifies “a
powerful nonhuman with deeply disturbed tendencies and wild eccentricities.”
33
Since 1995, Chagnon has been legally barred from returning to the lands of the
Yanomami.
When anthropologist Leslie Sponsel lived among the Yanomami in the mid1970s, he saw no warfare, just one physical fight, and heard a few loud marital
disputes. “To my surprise,” writes Sponsel, “people in [my] village and three
neighboring villages were simply nothing like ‘the fierce people’ described by
Chagnon.” Sponsel had brought along a copy of Chagnon’s book, with its photos
of fighting Yanomami warriors, as a way to explain the sort of work he was
doing. “Although some of the men were absorbed by the pictures,” he writes, “I
was asked not to show them to children as they provided examples of
undesirable behavior. These Yanomami,” Sponsel concluded, “did not value
fierceness in any positive way.”
34
For his part, in over a decade living among them, Good witnessed a single
outbreak of war. He cut his association with Chagnon eventually, having
concluded the emphasis on Yanomami violence was “contrived and distorted.”
Good later wrote that Chagnon’s book had “blown the subject out of any sane
proportion,” arguing that “what he had done was tantamount to saying that New
Yorkers are muggers and murderers.”
The Desperate Search for Hippie Hypocrisy and Bonobo Brutality
For a certain kind of journalist (or evolutionary psychologist), nothing is more
satisfying than exposing hippie hypocrisy. A recent headline from Reuters reads,
“Hippie Apes Make War as Well as Love, Study Finds.”
35 The article states,
“Despite their reputation as lovers, not fighters, of the primate world, bonobos
actually hunt and kill monkeys….” Another assures us that “Despite ‘Peacenik’
Reputation, Bonobos Hunt and Eat Other Primates Too.” A third, under the
headline “Sex Crazed Apes Feast on Killing, Too,” opens with an audible sneer:
“As hippies had Altamont [where Hell’s Angels killed a concertgoer], so
bonobos have Salonga National Park, where scientists have witnessed the
supposedly peace-loving primate hunting and eating monkey children.” “Sex
crazed”? “Supposedly peace-loving”? “Eating monkey children”? Do monkeys
have “children”?
If both chimps and bonobos make war, maybe we are “dazed survivors” of a
“5-million-year habit of lethal aggression” after all. But a closer look reveals that
it’s the journalists who are a bit dazed. Researchers witnessed ten attempts to
hunt monkeys over five years of observing the bonobos in question. The
bonobos were successful three times, sharing the monkey meat among the
hunters—mixed groups of males and females.
A brief reality check for science journalists:
Researchers have long known and reported that bonobos regularly hunt and
eat meat, generally small jungle antelopes known as duikers—as well as
squirrels, insects, and grubs.
The evolutionary line leading to humans, chimps, and bonobos split from
that leading to monkeys about thirty million years ago. Chimps and
bonobos, in other words, are as closely related to monkeys as we are.
Young monkeys are not “children.”
Monkey meat is on the menu at fancy Chinese restaurants and jungle
barbecues in many parts of the world.
Tens of thousands of monkeys, young and old, are sacrificed in research
laboratories throughout the world annually.
So, are humans also “at war” with monkeys?
Nothing sells newspapers like headlines of “WAR!,” and no doubt
“CANNIBALISTIC HIPPIE ORGY WAR!” sells even more, but one species
hunting and eating another species is hardly “war”; it’s lunch. That bonobos and
monkeys may look similar to untrained eyes is irrelevant. When a pack of
wolves or coyotes attacks a stray dog, is that “war”? We’ve seen hawks pluck
pigeons out of the sky. War?
Asking whether our species is naturally peaceful or warlike, generous or
possessive, free-loving or jealous, is like asking whether H2O is naturally a
solid, liquid, or gas. The only meaningful answer to such a question is: It
depends. On a nearly empty planet, with food and shelter distributed widely,
avoiding conflict would have been an easy, attractive option. Under the
conditions typical of ancestral environments, human beings would have had
much more to lose than to gain from warring against one another. The evidence
—both physical and circumstantial—points to a human prehistory in which our
ancestors made far more love than war.
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
The Longevity Lie (Short?)
The days of our years are threescore years and ten;
and if by reason of strength they be fourscore years,
yet is their strength labor and sorrow;
for it is soon cut off, and we fly away.
PSALMS 90:10
Strange but true: The average height expectancy of prehistoric humans was
about three feet, so a four-foot tall man was considered a giant.
Does that fact alter your image of prehistory? Are you picturing a diminutive
race of bonsai people living in mini-caves, chasing rabbits into holes, cowering
in fear of foxes, being carried off by hawks? Does this cause you to rethink what
a challenge a mammoth hunt must have been for our half-pint ancestors? Does it
make you feel even luckier to be living today, when our superior diet and
sanitation have doubled the average person’s height expectancy?
Well, don’t get carried away. While it is technically true that the average
“height expectancy” of prehistoric men was about three feet, it’s a misleading
sort of truth. Like overconfident declarations about the universality of marriage,
poverty, and war, it’s the sort of assertion that sows confusion and results in a
harvest of misleading data.
Take the average height of a full-grown man living in prehistoric times
(using skeletal remains as a guide): about six feet tall (72 inches). Then take the
average size of a prehistoric infant’s skeleton (let’s say about 20 inches). Then
extrapolate from the ratio of infant-to-adult skeletons at known archaeological
burial sites and presume that in general, for every three people who lived to
adulthood, seven died as infants. Thus, owing to the high rate of infant mortality,
average human height in prehistory was (3 × 72) + (7 × 20) ÷ 10 = 35.6 inches.
Roughly three feet.
1
Absurd? Yes. Misleading? Yup. Statistically accurate? Well, kinda.
This height expectancy “truth” is no more absurd or misleading than what
most people are led to believe about human life expectancy in prehistory.
Exhibit A: In an interview with NBC Nightly News,
2 UCSF biophysicist Jeff
Lotz was discussing the prevalence of chronic back pain in the United States.
The millions of people watching that night heard him explain, “It wasn’t until
two or three hundred years ago that we lived past age forty-five, so our spines
really haven’t evolved to the point where they can maintain this upright posture
with these large gravity loads for the duration of our lives [emphasis added].”
Exhibit B: In an otherwise solid book about women in prehistory (The
Invisible Sex), an archaeologist, an anthropologist, and an editor of one of the
world’s leading science magazines team up to imagine the life of a typical
woman they call Ursula, living in Europe 45,000 years ago. “Life was hard,”
they write, “and many, especially the young and the old, died of starvation in
winter and accidents of one sort or another, as well as disease…. Ursula [having
had her first daughter at age fifteen] lived long enough to see her first
granddaughter, dying at the ripe old age of 37 [emphasis added].”
3
Exhibit C: In a New York Times article,
4 James Vaupel, director of the
laboratory of survival and longevity at the Max Planck Institute for
Demographic Research, explains, “There is no fixed life span.” Dr. Vaupel
points to the increase in life expectancy from 1840 to today in countries where
the figure is rising quickest and notes that this increase is “linear, absolutely
linear, with no evidence of any decline or tapering off.” From this, he concludes,
“There’s no reason that life expectancy can’t continue to go up two to three
years per decade.”
Except that there is. At some point, all the babies who can survive to
adulthood, do. Further advances will be slight.
When Does Life Begin? When Does It End?
The preceding numbers are just as fantastical as the ones we came up with for
our average height expectancy estimate. They are, in fact, based upon the same
erroneous calculation distorted by high infant mortality rates. When this factor is
eliminated, we see that prehistoric humans who survived beyond childhood
typically lived from sixty-six to ninety-one years, with higher levels of overall
health and mobility than we find in most Western societies today.
It’s a game of averages, you see. While it’s true that many infants and small
children died in prehistoric populations—as indicated by the larger numbers of
infant skeletons in most burial sites—these skeletons tell us nothing about what
constituted a “ripe old age.” Life expectancy at birth, which is the measure
generally cited, is far from an accurate measure of the typical life span. When
you read, “At the beginning of the 20th century, life expectancy at birth was
around 45 years. It has risen to about 75 thanks to the advent of antibiotics and
public health measures that allow people to survive or avoid infectious
diseases,”
5 keep in mind that this dramatic increase is much more a reflection of
increased infant survival than of adults living longer.
In Mozambique, where one of us was born and raised, the average life
expectancy at birth for a man is currently, tragically, about forty-two years. But
Cacilda’s father was ninety-three when he died, riding his bicycle right to the
end of the road. He was old. A forty-year-old is not. Not even in Mozambique.
No doubt, many prehistoric infants died from disease or harsh conditions, as
do the infants of other primates, human foragers, and modern Mozambiqueans.
But many anthropologists agree it’s likely that a large portion of infant mortality
once attributed to starvation and disease probably resulted from infanticide.
They argue that foraging societies limited the number of infants so they wouldn’t
become a burden to the group or allow overly rapid population growth to strain
food supplies.
Horrific as it may be for us to contemplate, infanticide is anything but a
rarity, even today. Anthropologist Nancy Scheper-Hughes studied contemporary
infant deaths in northeast Brazil, where about 20 percent of infants die in their
first year. She found that women consider the deaths of some children a
“blessing” if the babies were lethargic and passive. Mothers told ScheperHughes they were “children who wanted to die, whose will to live was not
sufficiently strong or developed.” Scheper-Hughes found that these children
received less food and medical attention than their more vigorous siblings.
6
Joseph Birdsell, one of the world’s greatest scholars of Australian
Aboriginal culture, estimated that as many as half of all infants were
intentionally destroyed. Various surveys of contemporary pre-industrial societies
conclude that anywhere from half to three-quarters of them practice some form
of direct infanticide.
Lest we start feeling too smug in our compassion and superiority, recall the
foundling hospitals of Europe. The number of babies delivered to near-certain
death in France rose from 40,000 in 1784 to almost 140,000 by 1822. By 1830,
there were 270 revolving boxes in French foundling hospital doors specially
designed to protect the anonymity of those depositing unwanted infants. Eighty
to 90 percent of these children are estimated to have died within a year of arrival.
Once our ancestors began cultivating land for food, they were running on a
wheel, but never fast enough. More land provides more food. And more food
means more children born and fed. More children provide more help on the farm
and more soldiers. But this population growth creates demand for more land,
which can be won and held only through conquest and war. Put another way, the
shift to agriculture was accelerated by the seemingly irrefutable belief that it’s
better to take strangers’ land (killing them if necessary) than to allow one’s own
children to die of starvation.
Closer to our own time, the BBC reports that as many as 15 percent of the
reported deaths of female infants in parts of southern India are victims of
infanticide. Millions more die in China, where female infanticide is prevalent,
and has been for centuries. A late nineteenth–century missionary living in China
reported that of 183 sons and 175 daughters born in a typical community, 126 of
the sons lived to age ten (69 percent), while only 53 of the daughters made it that
far (30 percent).
7 China’s one-child policy, combined with the cultural
preference for sons, has only worsened the already dismal odds of survival for
female infants.
8
There are also problematic cultural assumptions lurking within
demographers’ calculations, in which life is assumed to begin at birth. This view
is far from universal. Societies that practice infanticide don’t consider newborn
infants full human beings. Rituals ranging from baptism to naming ceremonies
are delayed until it is determined whether or not the child will be permitted to
live. If not, from this perspective, the child was never fully alive anyway.
9
Is 80 the New 30?
Cartoon in The New Yorker: Two cavemen are shown chatting, one of
whom is saying, “Something’s just not right—our air is clean, our water is
pure, we all get plenty of exercise, everything we eat is organic and freerange, and yet nobody lives past thirty.”
Statistical distortions due to infanticide are not the only source of confusion
concerning prehistoric longevity. As you might imagine, it’s not so easy to
determine the age at death of a skeleton that’s been in the ground for thousands
of years. For various technical reasons, archaeologists often underestimate the
age at death. For example, archaeologists estimated the ages at death of
skeletons taken from mission cemeteries in California. After the estimates had
been made, written records of the actual ages at death were discovered. While
the archaeologists had estimated that only about 5 percent had lived to age fortyfive or beyond, the documents proved that seven times that many (37 percent) of
the people buried in these cemeteries were over forty-five years of age when
they died.
10
If estimates can be so far off on skeletons just a few hundred years
old, imagine the inaccuracies with remains that are tens of thousands of years
old.
One of the most reliable techniques archaeologists use to estimate age at
death is dental eruption. They look at how far the molars have grown out of the
jawbone, which indicates roughly how old a young adult was at death. But our
“wisdom teeth” stop “erupting” in our early to mid-thirties, which means that
archaeologists note the age at death of skeletons beyond this point as “35+.” This
doesn’t mean that thirty-five was the age of death, but that the person was thirtyfive or older. He or she may have been anywhere from thirty-five to one hundred
years old. Nobody knows.
Somewhere along the line this notation system was mistranslated in the
popular press, leaving the impression that our ancient ancestors rarely made it
past thirty-five. Big mistake. A wide range of data sources (including, even, the
Old Testament) point to a typical human life span of anywhere from seventy
(“three score and ten”) to over ninety years.
In one study, scientists calibrated brain and body-weight ratios across
different primates, arriving at an estimate of sixty-six to seventy-eight years for
Homo sapiens.
11 These numbers bear up under observation of modern-day
foragers. Among the !Kung San, Hadza, and Aché (societies in Africa and South
America), a female who lived to forty-five could be expected to survive another
20, 21.3, and 22.1 years, respectively.
12 Among the !Kung San, most people who
reached sixty could reasonably expect to live another ten years or so—active
years of mobility and social contribution. Anthropologist Richard Lee reported
that one in ten of the !Kung he encountered in his time in Botswana were over
sixty years of age.
13
As mentioned in previous chapters, it’s clear that overall human health
(including longevity) took a severe hit from agriculture. The typical human diet
went from extreme variety and nutritional richness to just a few types of grain,
possibly supplemented by occasional meat and dairy. The Aché diet, for
example, includes 78 different species of mammal, 21 species of reptiles and
amphibians, more than 150 species of birds, and 14 species of fish, as well as a
wide range of plants.
14
In addition to the reduced nutritional value of the agricultural diet, the
diseases deadliest to our species began their dreadful rampage when human
populations turned to agriculture. Conditions were perfect: high-density
population centers stewing in their own filth, domesticated animals in close
proximity (adding their excrement, viruses, and parasites to the mix), and
extended trade routes facilitating the movement of contagious pathogens from
populations with immunity to vulnerable communities.
15
When James Larrick and his colleagues studied the still relatively isolated
Waorani Indians of Ecuador, they found no evidence of hypertension, heart
disease, or cancer. No anemia or common cold. No internal parasites. No sign of
previous exposure to polio, pneumonia, smallpox, chicken pox, typhus, typhoid,
syphilis, tuberculosis, malaria, or serum hepatitis.
16
This is not as surprising as it may seem, given that almost all these diseases
either originated in domesticated animals or depend upon high-density
population for easy transmission. The deadliest infectious diseases and parasites
that have plagued our species could not have spread until after the transition to
agriculture.
Table 3: Deadly Diseases from Domesticated Animals
17
HUMAN DISEASE ANIMAL SOURCE
Measles Cattle (rinderpest)
Tuberculosis Cattle
Smallpox Cattle (cowpox)
Influenza Pigs and birds
Pertussis Pigs and dogs
Falciparum malaria Birds
The dramatic increases in world population that paralleled agricultural
development don’t indicate increased health, but increased fertility: more people
living to reproduce, but lower quality of life for those who do. Even Edgerton,
who repeatedly tells the longevity lie (Foragers’ “lives are short—life
expectancy at birth ranges between 20 and 40 years…”), has to agree that,
somehow, foragers managed to be healthier than agriculturalists:
“Agriculturalists throughout the world were always less healthy than hunters and
gatherers.” The urban populations of Europe, he writes, “did not match the
longevity of hunter-gatherers until the mid-nineteenth or even twentieth
century.”
18
That’s in Europe. People living in Africa, most of Asia, and Latin America
have still not regained the longevity typical of their ancestors and, thanks to
chronic world poverty, global warming, and AIDS, it’s unlikely they will for the
foreseeable future.
Once pathogens mutate into human populations from domesticated animals,
they quickly migrate from one community to another. For these agents of
disease, the initiation of global trade was a boon. Bubonic plague took the Silk
Route to Europe. Smallpox and measles stowed away on ships headed for the
New World, while syphilis appears to have hitched a ride back across the
Atlantic, probably on Columbus’s first return voyage. Today, the Western world
flutters into annual panics over avian flu scares emanating from the Far East.
Ebola, SARS, flesh-eating bacteria, the H1N1 virus (swine flu), and innumerable
pathogens yet to be named keep us all compulsively washing our hands.
While there were no doubt occasional outbreaks of infectious diseases in
prehistory, it’s unlikely they spread far, even with high levels of sexual
promiscuity. It would have been nearly impossible for pathogens to take hold in
widely dispersed groups of foragers with infrequent contact between groups. The
conditions necessary for devastating epidemics or pandemics just didn’t exist
until the agricultural revolution. The claim that modern medicine and sanitation
save us from infectious diseases that ravaged pre-agricultural people (something
we hear often) is like arguing that seat belts and air bags protect us from car
crashes that were fatal to our prehistoric ancestors.
Stressed to Death
If an infectious virus doesn’t get you, a stressed-out lifestyle and unhealthy diet
probably will. Cortisol, the hormone your body releases when under stress, is the
strongest immunosuppressant known. In other words, nothing weakens our
defenses against disease quite like stress.
Even something as seemingly unimportant as not getting enough sleep can
have a dramatic effect on immunity. Sheldon Cohen and his colleagues studied
the sleep habits of 153 healthy men and women for two weeks before putting
them in quarantine and exposing them to rhinovirus, which causes the common
cold. The less an individual slept, the more likely he or she was to come down
with a cold. Those who slept less than seven hours per night were three times as
likely to get sick.
19
If you want to live long, sleep more and eat less. To date, the only
demonstrably effective method for prolonging mammalian life is severe caloric
reduction. When pathologist Roy Walford fed mice about half of what they
wanted to eat, they lived about twice as long—the equivalent of 160 human
years. They not only lived longer, but stayed fitter and smarter as well (as judged
by—you guessed it—running through mazes). Follow-up studies on insects,
dogs, monkeys, and humans have confirmed the benefits of going through life
hungry. Intermittent fasting was associated with more than a 40 percent
reduction in heart disease risk in a study of 448 people published in the
American Journal of Cardiology reporting that “most diseases, including cancer,
diabetes and even neurodegenerative illnesses, are forestalled” by caloric
reduction.
20
These studies lead to the slacker-friendly conclusion that in the ancestral
environment, where our predecessors lived hand-to-mouth, a certain amount of
dietary inconsistency—perhaps exacerbated by sheer laziness interrupted by
regular aerobic exercise—would have been adaptive, even healthy. To put it
another way, if you hunt or gather just enough low-fat food to forestall serious
hunger pangs, and spend the rest of your time in low-stress activities such as
telling stories by the fire, taking extended hammock-embraced naps, and playing
with children, you’d be engaged in the optimal lifestyle for human longevity.
21
Which brings us back to the eternal question asked by foragers offered the
chance to join the “civilized” world and adopt farming: Why? Why work so hard
when there are so many mongongo nuts in the world? Why stress over weeding
the garden when there are “plenty fish, plenty fruits, and plenty birdies”?
We are here on Earth to fart around, and don’t let anybody tell you any
different.
KURT VONNEGUT, JR.
In 1902 the New York Times carried a report headlined “Laziness Germ
Discovered.” It seems one Dr. Stiles, a zoologist at the Department of
Agriculture, had discovered the germ responsible for “degenerates known as
crackers or poor whites” in the “Southern States.” But in fact, our laziness seems
less in need of explanation than our frenzied industry.
How many beavers die in dam-construction accidents? Are birds subject to
sudden spells of vertigo that send them falling from the sky? How many fish
drown to death? Such events are all rather infrequent we’d wager, but the toll
exacted upon humans by the chronic stress many consider a normal part of
human life is massive.
In Japan, there’s a word for it, kar shi ( ): death from overwork.
Japanese police records indicate that as many as 2,200 Japanese workers
committed suicide in 2008 due to overwhelming work conditions, and five times
that number died from stress-induced strokes and heart attacks, according to
Rengo, a labor union federation. But whether our language contains a handy
term for it or not, the devastating effects of chronic stress are not limited to
Japan. Heart disease, circulatory problems, digestive disorders, insomnia,
depression, sexual dysfunction, and obesity—behind every one of them lurks
chronic stress.
If we really did evolve in a Hobbesian ordeal of constant terror and anxiety,
if our ancestors’ lives truly were solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short, why,
then, are we still so vulnerable to stress?
22
Who You Calling a Starry-Eyed Romantic, Pal?
Many otherwise reasonable people seem to have a burning need to locate the
roots of war deep in our primal past, to see self-sufficient foragers as poor, and
to spread the misbegotten gospel that three or four decades was a ripe old age
for a human being in pre-agricultural times. But this vision of our past is
demonstrably false. ¿Que pasa?
If prehistoric life was a perpetual struggle that ended in early death, if ours is
a species motivated almost exclusively by self-interest, if war is an ancient,
biologically embedded tendency, then one can soothingly argue, as Steven
Pinker does, that things are getting better all the time—that, in his Panglossian
view, “we are probably living in the most peaceful moment of our species’ time
on Earth.” That would be encouraging news, indeed, which is what most
audiences want to hear, after all. We all want to believe things are getting better,
that our species is learning, growing, and prospering. Who refuses
congratulations for having the good sense to be alive here and now?
But just as “patriotism is the conviction that your country is superior to all
others because you were born in it” (G. B. Shaw), the notion that we live in our
species’ “most peaceful moment” is as intellectually baseless as it is emotionally
comforting. Journalist Louis Menand noted how science can fulfill a
conservative, essentially political function by providing “an explanation for the
way things are that does not threaten the way things are.” “Why,” he asks
rhetorically, “should someone feel unhappy or engage in anti-social behavior
when that person is living in the freest and most prosperous nation on Earth? It
can’t be the system!”
23 What’s your problem? Everything’s just fine. Life’s
great and getting better! Less war! Longer life! New and improved human
existence!
This Madison Avenue vision of the super-duper new and improved present
is framed by an utterly fictional, blood-smeared Hobbesian past. Yet it’s
marketed to the public as the “clear-eyed realist” position, and those who
question its founding assumptions risk being dismissed as delusional romantics
still grieving over the death of Janis Joplin and the demise of bell-bottoms. But
that “realistic” argument is riddled with misunderstood data, mistaken
interpretations, and misleading calculations. A dispassionate review of the
relevant science clearly demonstrates that the tens of thousands of years before
the advent of agriculture, while certainly not a time of uninterrupted utopian
bliss, was for the most part characterized by robust health, peace between
individuals and groups, low levels of chronic stress and high levels of overall
satisfaction for most of our ancestors.
Having made this argument, have we outed ourselves as card-carrying
comrades in the Delusional Utopian Movement (DUM)? Is it Rousseauian
fantasy to assert that prehistory was not an unending nightmare? That human
nature leans no more toward violence, selfishness, and exploitation than toward
peace, generosity, and cooperation? That most of our ancient ancestors probably
experienced a sense of communal belonging few of us can imagine today? That
human sexuality probably evolved and functioned as a social bonding device and
a pleasurable way to avoid and neutralize conflict? Is it silly romanticism to
point out that ancient humans who survived their first few years often lived as
long as the richest and luckiest of us do today, even with our high-tech coronary
stents, diabetes medication, and titanium hips?
No. If you think about it, the neo-Hobbesian vision is far sunnier than ours.
To have concluded, as we have, that our species has an innate capacity for love
and generosity at least equal to our taste for destruction, for peaceful
cooperation as much as coordinated attack, for an open, relaxed sexuality as
much as for jealous, passion-smothering possessiveness…to see that both these
worlds were open to us, but that around ten thousand years ago a few of our
ancestors wandered off the path they’d been on forever into a garden of toil,
disease, and conflict where our species has been trapped ever since…well, this is
not exactly a rose-colored view of the overall trajectory of humankind. Who are
the naïve romantics here, anyway?
PART IV
Bodies in Motion
Love’s mysteries in souls do grow,
But yet the body is his book.
JOHN DONNE (1572–1631)
Everybody has a story to tell. So does every body, and the story told by the
human body is rated XXX.
Like any narrative of prehistory, ours rests on two types of evidence:
circumstantial and material. We’ve already covered a good bit of the
circumstantial evidence. As for more tangible material evidence, the song
says, “What goes up must come down,” but unfortunately for archaeologists
and those of us who rely on their findings, what goes down rarely comes
back up. And even when it does, ancient social behavior is hard to see
reflected in bits of bone, flint, and pottery—fragments that represent only a
fraction of what once existed.
At a conference not long ago, the subject of our research came up over
breakfast. Upon hearing that we were investigating human sexual behavior
in prehistory, the professor sitting across the table from us scoffed and
asked (rhetorically), “So what do you do, close your eyes and dream?”
While one should never scoff with a mouthful of scone, he had a point. As
social behavior presumably doesn’t leave physical artifacts, any theorizing
must amount to little but “dreaming.”
Paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould was an early scoffer at the notion of
evolutionary psychology, asking, “How can we possibly know in detail
what small bands of hunter-gatherers did in Africa two million years ago?”
1
Richard Potts, director of the Smithsonian’s Human Origins Program,
agrees, warning, “Many characteristics of early human behaviour are…
difficult to reconstruct, as no appropriate material evidence is available.
Mating patterns and language are obvious examples…[they] leave no traces
in the fossil record.” But he then adds, as if under his breath, “Questions of
social life…may be accessible from studies of ancient environments, or
from certain aspects of anatomy and behaviour that leave material
evidence.”
2
Certain aspects of anatomy and behaviour that leave material
evidence…. Can we glean reliable information about the contours of ancient
social life—even sexual behavior—from present-day human anatomy?
Yes we can.
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
Little Big Man
Every creature’s body tells a detailed story about the environment in which its
ancestors evolved. Its fur, fat, and feathers suggest the temperatures of ancient
environments. Its teeth and digestive system contain information about
primordial diet. Its eyes, legs, and feet show how its ancestors got around. The
relative sizes of males and females and the particulars of their genitalia say a lot
about reproduction. In fact, male sexual ornaments (such as peacock’s tails or
lions’ manes) and genitals offer the best way to differentiate between closely
related species. Evolutionary psychologist Geoffrey F. Miller goes so far as to
say that “evolutionary innovation seems focused on the details of penis shape.”
1
Leaving aside for the moment the disturbingly Freudian notion that even
Mother Nature is obsessed with the penis, our bodies certainly contain a wealth
of information about the sexual behavior of our species over the millennia. There
are clues encoded in skeletal remains millions of years old and pulsing in our
own living bodies. It’s all right there—and here. Rather than closing our eyes
and dreaming, let’s open them and learn to read the hieroglyphics of the sexual
body.
We begin with body-size dimorphism. This technical-sounding term simply
refers to the average difference in size between adult males and females in a
given species. Among apes for example, male gorillas and orangutans average
about twice the size of females, while male chimps, bonobos, and humans are
from 10 to 20 percent bigger and heavier than females. Male and female gibbons
are of equal stature.
Among mammals generally and particularly among primates, body-size
dimorphism is correlated with male competition over mating.
2
In winner-take-all
mating systems where males compete with each other over infrequent mating
opportunities, the larger, stronger males tend to win…and take all. The biggest,
baddest gorillas, for example, will pass genes for bigness and badness into the
next generation, thus leading to ever bigger, badder male gorillas—until the
increased size eventually runs into another factor limiting this growth.
On the other hand, in species with little struggle over females, there is less
biological imperative for the males to evolve larger, stronger bodies, so they
generally don’t. That’s why the sexually monogamous gibbons are virtually
identical in size.
Looking at our modest body-size dimorphism, it’s a good bet that males
haven’t been fighting much over females in the past few million years. As
mentioned above, men’s bodies are from 10 to 20 percent bigger and heavier
than women’s on average, a ratio that appears to have held steady for at least
several million years.
3
Owen Lovejoy has long argued that this ratio is evidence of the ancient
origins of monogamy. In an article he published in Science in 1981, Lovejoy
argued that both the accelerated brain development of our ancestors and their use
of tools resulted from an “already established hominid character system,” that
featured “intensified parenting and social relationships, monogamous pair
bonding, specialized sexual-reproductive behavior, and bipedality.” Thus,
Lovejoy argued, “The nuclear family and human sexual behavior may have their
ultimate origin long before the dawn of the Pleistocene.” In fact, he concluded
with a flourish, the “unique sexual and reproductive behavior of man may be the
sine qua non of human origin.” Almost three decades later, Lovejoy is still
pushing the same argument as this book goes to press. He argues—again in
Science—that Ardipithecus ramidus’ fragmentary skeletal and dental remains
dated to 4.4 million years ago reinforce this view of pair bonding as the defining
human characteristic—predating, even, our uniquely large neocortex.
4
Like many theorists, Matt Ridley agrees with this ancient origin of
monogamy, writing, “Long pair-bonds shackled each ape-man to its mate for
much of its reproductive life.”
Four million years is an awful lot of monogamy. Shouldn’t these “shackles”
be more comfortable by now?
Without access to the skeletal data on body-size dimorphism we have today,
Darwin speculated that early humans may have lived in a harem-based system.
But we now know that if Darwin’s conjecture were correct, contemporary men
would be twice the size of women, on average. And, as we’ll discuss in the next
section, another sure sign of a gorilla-like human past would be an embarrassing
case of genital shrinkage.
Still, some continue to insist that humans are naturally polygynous harembuilders, despite the paucity of evidence supporting this argument. For example,
Alan S. Miller and Satoshi Kanazawa claim that, “We know that humans have
been polygynous throughout most of history because men are taller than
women.” These authors go on to conclude that because “human males are 10
percent taller and 20 percent heavier than females, this suggests that, throughout
history, humans have been mildly polygynous.”
5
Their analysis ignores the fact that the cultural conditions necessary for
some males to accumulate sufficient political power and wealth to support
multiple wives and their children simply did not exist before agriculture. And
males being moderately taller and heavier than females indicates reduced
competition among males, but not necessarily “mild polygyny.” After all, those
promiscuous cousins of ours, chimps and bonobos, reflect precisely the same
range of male/female size difference while shamelessly enjoying uncounted
sexual encounters with as many partners as they can drum up. No one claims the
10 to 20 percent body-size dimorphism seen in chimps and bonobos is evidence
of “mild polygyny.” The assertion that the same physical evidence correlates to
promiscuity in chimps and bonobos but indicates mild polygyny or monogamy
in humans shows just how shaky the standard model really is.
For various reasons, prehistoric harems were unlikely for our species. The
famed sexual appetites of Ismail the Bloodthirsty, Genghis Khan, Brigham
Young, and Wilt Chamberlain notwithstanding, our bodies argue strongly
against it. Harems result from the common male hunger for sexual variety and
the post-agricultural concentration of power in the hands of a few men combined
with low levels of female autonomy typical of agricultural societies. Harems are
a feature of militaristic, rigidly hierarchical agricultural and pastoral cultures
oriented toward rapid population growth, territorial expansion, and accumulation
of wealth. Captive harems have never been reported in any immediate-return
foraging society.
While our species’ shift to moderate body-size dimorphism strongly suggests
that males found an alternative to fighting over mating opportunities millions of
years ago, it doesn’t tell us what that alternative was. Many theorists have
interpreted the shift as confirmation of a transition from polygyny to monogamy
—but that conclusion requires us to ignore multimale–multifemale mating as an
option for our ancestors. Yes, a one-man/one-woman system reduces
competition among males, as the pool of available females isn’t being dominated
by just a few men, leaving more women available for less desired men. But a
mating system in which both males and females typically have multiple sexual
relationships running in parallel reduces male mating competition just as
effectively, if not more so. And given that both of the species closest to us
practice multimale–multifemale mating, this seems by far the more likely
scenario.
Why are scientists so reluctant to consider the implications of our two
closest primate relatives displaying the same levels of body-size dimorphism we
do? Could it be because neither is remotely monogamous? The only two
“acceptable” interpretations of this shift in body-size dimorphism appear to be:
1. It indicates the origins of our nuclear family/sexually monogamous mating
system. (Then why aren’t men and women the same size, like gibbons?)
2. It shows that humans are naturally polygynous but have learned to control
the impulse, with mixed success. (Then why aren’t men twice the size of
women, like gorillas?)
Note the assumption shared by both these interpretations: female sexual
reticence. In both scenarios, female “honor” is intact. In the second
interpretation, only the male’s natural fidelity is in doubt.
When the three most closely related apes exhibit the same degree of bodysize dimorphism, shouldn’t we at least consider the possibility that their bodies
reflect the same adaptations before we reach for far-fetched, if emotionally
reassuring, conclusions?
It’s time to go below the belt….
All’s Fair in Love and Sperm War
No case interested and perplexed me so much as the brightly colored hinder
ends and adjoining parts of certain monkeys.
CHARLES DARWIN
6
It seems men weren’t fighting much over dates for the past few million years
(until agriculture), but that doesn’t mean Darwin was wrong about male sexual
competition being of crucial importance in human evolution. Even among
bonobos, who experience little to no overt conflict over sex, Darwinian selection
takes place, but on a level Darwin himself probably never considered—or dared
discuss publicly, anyway. Rather than male bonobos competing to see who gets
lucky, they all get lucky, and then let their spermatozoa fight it out. Øjvind
Winge, who was working with guppies in the 1930s, coined the term sperm
competition. Geoffrey Parker, studying the decidedly unglamorous yellow
dungfly, later refined the concept.
The idea is simple. If the sperm of more than one male are present in the
reproductive tract of an ovulating female, the spermatozoa themselves compete
to fertilize the ovum. Females of species that engage in sperm competition
typically have various tricks to advertise their fertility, thereby inviting more
competitors. Their provocations range from sexy vocalizations or scents to
genital swellings that turn every shade of lipstick red from Berry Sexy to Rouge
Soleil.
7
The process is something of a lottery, where the male with the most tickets
has the best shot at winning (hence, the chimp and bonobo’s huge spermproduction capabilities). It’s also an obstacle course, with the female’s body
providing various types of hoops to jump through and moats to swim across to
reach the egg—thus eliminating unworthy sperm. (We’ll examine some of these
obstacles in following chapters.) Some researchers argue that the competition is
more like rugby, with various sperm forming “teams” with specialized blockers,
runners, and so on.
8 Sperm competition takes many forms.
Although Darwin might have been “perplexed” by it, sperm competition
preserves the central purpose of male competition in his theory of sexual
selection, with the reward to the victor being fertilization of the ovum. But the
struggle occurs on the cellular level, among the sperm cells, with the female’s
reproductive tract the field of battle. Male apes living in multimale social groups
(such as chimps, bonobos, and humans) have larger testes, housed in an external
scrotum, mature later than females, and produce larger volumes of ejaculate
containing greater concentrations of sperm cells than primates in which females
normally mate with only one male per cycle (such as gorillas, gibbons, and
orangutans).
And, who knows? Perhaps Darwin would have recognized this process, if
he’d been a bit less indoctrinated by Victorian notions of female sexuality. Sarah
Hrdy contends that “it was Darwin’s presumption that females hold themselves
in reserve for the best available male that left him so puzzled by sexual
swellings.” Hrdy doesn’t buy Darwin’s “coy female” schtick for a minute:
“Although appropriate for many animals, the appellation ‘coy’—which was to
remain unchallenged dogma for the succeeding hundred years—did not then,
and does not today, apply to the observed behavior of monkey and ape females
at mid-cycle.”
9
It’s possible Darwin was being a bit coy himself in his writings on the
sexuality of human females. The poor guy had already insulted God, as most
people—including his loving, pious wife—understood the concept. Even if he
suspected something like sperm competition had played a role in human
evolution, Darwin could hardly be expected to drag the angelic Victorian woman
down from her pedestal. Bad enough that Darwinian theory depicts women
evolving to prostitute themselves for meat, access to male wealth, and the rest of
it. To have argued that ancestral females were shameless trollops motivated by
erotic pleasure would have been too much.
Still, with characteristic awareness of just how much he didn’t—and
couldn’t—know, Darwin acknowledged, “As these parts are more brightly
coloured in one sex [female] than in the other, and as they become more brilliant
during the season of love, I concluded that the colours had been gained as a
sexual attraction. I was well aware that I thus laid myself open to ridicule….”
10
Perhaps Darwin did understand that the bright sexual swellings of some
female primates served to stoke male libido, which shouldn’t be necessary
according to his sexual selection theory. There is even evidence that Darwin may
have had reason to ponder sperm competition in humans. In a letter from
Bhutan, where he was gathering plants, Darwin’s old friend Joseph Hooker
discussed the polyandrous humans he was encountering, where “a wife may
have 10 husbands by law.”
Moderate body-size dimorphism isn’t the only anatomical suggestion of
promiscuity in our species. The ratio of testicular volume to overall body mass
can be used to read the degree of sperm competition in any given species. Jared
Diamond considers the theory of testis size to be “one of the triumphs of modern
physical anthropology.”
11 Like most great ideas, the theory of testis size is
simple: species that copulate more often need larger testes, and species in which
several males routinely copulate with one ovulating female need even bigger
testes.
If a species has cojones grandes, you can bet that males have frequent
ejaculations with females who sleep around. Where the females save it for Mr.
Right, the males have smaller testes, relative to their overall body mass. The
correlation of slutty females with big balled males appears to apply not only to
humans and other primates, but to many mammals, as well as to birds,
butterflies, reptiles, and fish.
In gorillas’ winner-take-all approach to mating, males compete to see who
gets all the booty, as it were. So, although an adult silverback gorilla weighs in
at around four hundred pounds, his penis is just over an inch long, at full mast,
and his testicles are the size of kidney beans, though you’d have trouble finding
them, as they’re safely tucked up inside his body. A one-hundred-pound bonobo
has a penis three times as long as the gorilla’s and testicles the size of chicken
eggs. The extra-large, AAA type (see chart in Chapter Fifteen). In bonobos,
since everybody gets some sugar, the competition takes place on the level of the
sperm cell, not at the level of the individual male. Still, although almost all
bonobos are having sex, given the realities of biological reproduction, each baby
bonobo still has only one biological father.
So the game’s still the same—getting one’s genes into the future—but the
field of play is different. With harem-based polygynous systems like the
gorilla’s, individual males fight it out before any sex takes place. In sperm
competition, the cells fight in there so males don’t have to fight out here.
Instead, males can relax around one another, allowing larger group sizes,
enhancing cooperation, and avoiding disruption to the social dynamic. This helps
explain why no primate living in multimale social groups is monogamous. It just
wouldn’t work.
As always, natural selection targets the relevant organs and systems for
adaptation. Through the generations, male gorillas evolved impressive muscles
for their reproductive struggle, while their relatively unimportant genitals
dwindled down to the bare minimum needed for uncontested fertilization.
Conversely, male chimps, bonobos, and humans had less need for oversized
muscles for fighting but evolved larger, more powerful testicles and, in the case
of humans, a much more interesting penis.
We can almost hear some of our readers thinking, “But my testicles aren’t
the size of chicken eggs!” No, they’re not. But we’re guessing they’re not tiny
kidney beans tucked up inside your abdomen, either. Humans fall in the middle
ground between gorillas and bonobos on the testicular volume/body-mass scale.
Those who argue that our species has been sexually monogamous for millions of
years point out that human testicles are smaller than those of chimps and
bonobos. Those who challenge the standard narrative (like us, for example) note
that human testicular ratios are far beyond those of the polygynous gorilla or the
monogamous gibbon.
So, is the human scrotum half-empty or half-full?
Multiple Comparisons of Ape Anatomy
Information Indicated:
M/F body-size dimorphism (av. weight);
Coitus typically face-to-face or rear entry;
Testicular volume/body mass;
Testicles inside body or in external scrotum;
Comparative penis length (erect);
Presence of pendulous breasts;
Swelling of female genitalia at ovulation.


CHAPTER SIXTEEN
The Truest Measure of a Man
Small?
Both chimps and bonobos are far more promiscuous than we are. Our
testicles reflect this: they are mere peanuts compared to our ape relatives’
coconuts.
FRANS DE WAAL
1
Medium?
Convincing vestiges of a sexual selective history in which females mated
polyandrously can be found in the human male. Perhaps the clearest
vestige is testis size. Men’s testes are substantially larger, relative to body
size, than those of gorillas.
MARGO WILSON AND MARTIN DALY
2
Large?
Human beings are definitely at the big-ball end of the primate spectrum,
more like chimpanzees than like gorillas…suggesting that we have long
been accustomed to competing via our sperm as well as our bodies.
DAVID BARASH AND JUDITH LIPTON
3
As you can see, there is fundamental disagreement over the male package. What
are we talking about here? Peanuts or walnuts? Ping-pong or bowling? Modern
men’s testicles are smaller than those of chimps and bonobos, yet they put those
of polygynous gorillas and monogamous gibbons to shame, tipping the scales at
about half an ounce each (that’s about eighty carats, if you’re a jeweler). Thus
both sides of this pivotal debate can claim evidence for their view simply by
declaring that human testicles are relatively large or relatively small.
But measuring a testicle is not quite like getting a shoe size. The argument
that modern men’s testicles would be as big as the chimps’ if we’d evolved in
promiscuous groups is founded on a crucial and erroneous assumption: that
human testicles haven’t changed in ten thousand years. When Stephen Jay Gould
wrote, “There’s been no biological change in humans in 40,000 or 50,000
years,” he was relying on data that have been supplanted since he died in 2002.
This still widely shared assumption grows out of the long-standing belief that
evolution operates extremely slowly, requiring thousands of generations to make
significant changes.
Sometimes it does. But sometimes it doesn’t. In The 10,000 Year Explosion,
Gregory Cochran and Henry Harpending show that the human body is capable of
very rapid evolutionary change. “Humans have changed significantly in body
and mind over recorded history,” they write, citing resistance to malaria, blue
eye color, and lactose tolerance as examples of accelerated evolutionary change
since the advent of agriculture.
An example they don’t discuss in their book, but might consider for future
editions, is testicular size. Testicles can change size almost in the blink of an eye
—blue or otherwise. In some species of lemurs (small, nocturnal primates),
testicular volume changes seasonally, swelling up in breeding season and then
shrinking back down in the off-season, like a beach ball with a slow leak.
4
Testicular tissue in humans, chimps, and bonobos (but, interestingly, not
gorillas) is controlled by DNA that responds unusually rapidly to environmental
changes. Writing in Nature, geneticists Gerald Wyckoff, Hurng-Yi Wang, and
Chung-I Wu report, “Rapid evolution of male reproductive genes is…quite
notable in the lineages to human and chimpanzee.” They go on to note that the
rapid response of these genes may well be associated with mating systems: “The
contrast is intriguing in light of the socio-sexual behaviors of African apes.
Whereas modern chimpanzees and bonobos are clearly promiscuous with ample
chance of multiple insemination, ovulating female gorillas seem much less likely
to be multiply inseminated.”
5
Let that soak in for a moment. Humans, chimps, and bonobos—but not
gorillas—show “accelerated evolution of genes involved in sperm and seminal
fluid production” associated with “multiple insemination.” The genes associated
with the development of human, chimp, and bonobo testicles are highly
responsive to adaptive pressures, far more so than these same genes in gorillas,
where females typically mate with only one male.
Because they are composed entirely of soft tissue, testicles don’t leave a
trace in fossils. So, while defenders of the standard narrative assume that human
testicular volume has remained constant for millennia, it’s now clear this
assumption may be wrong.
Wyckoff, Wang, and Wu confirm a prediction made by biologist Roger
Short back in 1979, when he wrote, “Testis size might be expected to respond
rapidly to selection pressures. One of the most intense forms of selection will be
found in promiscuous mating systems….”
6 Geoffrey Miller agrees: “Heritable
differences in sperm quality and sperm delivery equipment will be under intense
selection.” Finally, evolutionary biologist Lynn Margulis and her co-author
Dorion Sagan reason that men’s “souped-up genitals” backed by “a lot of
spermatic firepower” would be worthwhile only if there were “some sort of race
or contest. Otherwise,” they write, “they seem excessive.”
7
Souped-up genitals. Spermatic firepower. Now we’re talking!
Indications of spermatic firepower are evident in the differences between a
man’s first spurts and his last. A human ejaculation typically consists of
anywhere from three to nine spurts. Researchers who somehow managed to
capture “split ejaculates” for analysis found that the first spurts contain
chemicals that protect against various kinds of chemical attack. What sort of
chemical attack? Aside from leucocytes and antigens present in a woman’s
reproductive tract (more on that later), they protect the sperm from the chemicals
in the latter spurts of other men’s ejaculate. These final spurts contain a
spermicidal substance that slows the advance of any latecomers. In other words,
competing sperm from other men seems to be anticipated in the chemistry of
men’s semen, both in the early spurts (protective) and in the later spurts
(attacking).
8
The importance of sperm competition has been debated in scientific
conferences and academic journals for the past few decades as if it were a new
discovery, but several centuries BCE, Aristotle and his predecessors noted that if
a bitch copulated with two dogs during a single fertile period, she could produce
a litter of pups fathered by one or both of them. And consider the story of
Heracles and Iphicles: the night preceding Amphitryon’s marriage to Alcmene,
Zeus disguised himself as Amphitryon and slept with the bride-to-be. The
following night, Amphitryon consummated her marriage. Alcmene had twins:
Iphicles (fathered by Amphitryon) and Heracles (fathered by Zeus). Clearly, the
ancient Greeks had an inkling of sperm competition.
More recently, several researchers have demonstrated that a man’s sperm
production increases significantly when he has not seen his partner for a few
days, regardless of whether or not he ejaculated during her absence. This finding
conforms to the notion that sperm competition has played a role in human
evolution and may even reflect an adaptation to monogamy. In this scenario, not
knowing what his strumpet of a wife was up to at that damned conference in
Orlando leads a man’s body to hyper-produce sperm to increase his chances of
fertilizing her ovum when she gets home, even if his worst fears (and possibly,
hottest fantasies) are true. Along these same lines, women have also reported
that their partners tend to be more vigorous in bed—reporting deeper, more
vigorous thrusting—after a separation or if infidelity is suspected.
9
(The
possibility that the men may actually be turned on by the thought of their mates’
possible transgressions appears not to have made its way into the discussion as
yet, but see the discussion of porn below.)
The scandalous implications of sperm competition run smack into the longheld view of sacrosanct female sexuality. It’s a vision Darwin cultivated in
public consciousness, featuring coy females who surrender only to a carefully
chosen mate who has proven himself worthy—and even then, she’s only doing it
for England. “The sexually insatiable woman,” declared a terrified Donald
Symons, “is to be found primarily, if not exclusively, in the ideology of
feminism, the hopes of boys, and the fears of men.”
10 Perhaps, but Marvin
Harris offers a different take, writing, “Like all dominant groups, men seek to
promote an image of their subordinate’s nature that contributes to the
preservation of the status quo. For thousands of years, males have seen women
not as women could be, but only as males want them to be.”
11
Despite all the controversy, there is no question as to whether sperm
competition occurs in human reproduction.
12
It does—every time. A single
human ejaculate contains anywhere from fifty million to half a billion applicants
all trying to elbow their way into the only job available: fertilizer in chief. The
relevant question is whether those applicants are competing against only each
other, or billions more eager job-seekers sent by other men as well.
It’s hard to conjure a more purely competitive entity than the human
spermatozoa. Imagine a teeming school of microscopic salmon whose entire
existence consists in straining upstream toward a one-in-several-hundred-million
shot at reproduction. Longish odds, you might say. But not all creatures’ sperm
face such overwhelmingly slim chances. In some species of insects, for example,
fewer than a hundred sperm line up for the race to the ovum. Nor are all sperm
tiny in comparison to him that sent them. Some species of fruit fly have sperm
that measure almost six centimeters when uncoiled—several times larger than
the fly himself. Homo sapiens is far down at the other extreme, depositing
hundreds of millions of tiny sperm at the drop of a hat.

Hard Core in the Stone Age
Here’s a head-scratcher. Why do so many heterosexual men get off on
pornography featuring groups of guys having sex with just one woman? It
doesn’t add up, if you think about it. It’s more cone than ice cream. And the
suggestive strangeness doesn’t end with the counterintuitive male-to-female
ratio; it’s male ejaculate that puts the money in the money shot.
Researchers have confirmed what porn producers already know: men tend to
get turned on by images depicting an environment in which sperm competition is
clearly at play (though few, we imagine, think of it in quite these terms). Images
and videos showing one woman with multiple males are far more popular on the
Internet and in commercial pornography than those depicting one male with
multiple females.
14 A quick peek at the online offerings at Adult Video Universe
lists over nine hundred titles in the Gangbang genre, but only twenty-seven
listed under Reverse Gangbang. You do the math. Why would the males in a
species that’s been wearing the shackles of monogamy for 1.9 million years be
sexually excited by scenes of groups of men ejaculating with one or two
women?
Skeptics may argue that this arousal could reflect nothing more than
commercial interests or a passing fashion. Fair enough, but what to make of
experimental evidence that men viewing erotic material suggestive of sperm
competition (two men with one woman) produce ejaculates containing a higher
percentage of motile sperm than men viewing explicit images of only three
women?
15 And why does being cuckolded consistently appear at or near the top
of married men’s sexual fantasies, according to experts ranging from Alfred
Kinsey to Dan Savage?
As far as we know, there is no corresponding taste among women for erotica
featuring multiple overweight middle-aged ladies with cheap tattoos, bad
haircuts, and black socks having sex with one hot guy. Go figure.
Could this male appetite for multimale scenes be an echo of the porn of the
Pleistocene? Keep in mind the variety of societies discussed previously in which
women assist and inspire teams of workers or hunters by making themselves
available for sequential sex. The same dynamic is hinted at on any given Sunday
with fluttering pom-poms, the shortest of shorts, and the highest of kicks ending
with sexy young legs spread right down to the Astroturf. While there are other
conceivable explanations for such oddities of contemporary life, they certainly
align well with a prehistory characterized by sperm competition.
16 Go Trojans!
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
Sometimes a Penis Is Just a Penis
We are right to note the license and disobedience of this member which
thrusts itself forward too inopportunely when we do not want it to, and
which so inopportunely lets us down when we most need it; it imperiously
contests for authority with our will: it stubbornly and proudly refuses all
our incitements, both of the mind and hand.
MICHEL MONTAIGNE on the penis (his, presumably)
Don’t be distracted by the snickering. The human male takes his genitalia very
seriously. In ancient Rome, rich boys wore a bulla: a locket holding a replica of
a tiny hard-on. This rocket-in-a-locket was known as a fascinum, and signified
the young man’s upper-class status. “Today,” writes David Friedman in A Mind
of Its Own, his amusing and erudite history of the penis, “fifteen hundred years
after the fall of Imperial Rome, anything as powerful or intriguing as an erection
is said to be ‘fascinating.’” Going back a bit farther, we find that in the biblical
books of Genesis and Exodus, Jacob’s children sprang from his thigh. Most
historians agree that “thigh” is actually a polite way of referring to that which
hangs between a man’s thighs. “It seems clear,” writes Friedman, “that sacred
oaths between Israelites were sealed by placing a hand on the male member.”
So, according to Friedman at least, the act of swearing on one’s balls lives on in
the world today.
Historical oddities aside, some argue that moderately sized human testicles
and lower human sperm concentration (relative to chimpanzees and bonobos)
disprove any significant sperm competition in human evolution. True, the
reported range of human sperm concentration of 60–235 × 10
6 per mL pales in
comparison to that of chimps, an impressive 548 × 10
6
. But not all sperm
competition is created equal.
For example, some species have seminal fluid that forms a “copulatory
plug,” serving to block the entrance of any subsequent sperm into the cervical
canal. Species engaging in this type of sperm competition (snakes, rodents, some
insects, kangaroos) typically wield penises with elaborate hooks or curlicues on
the end that function to pull any previous male’s plug out of the cervical
opening. Though at least one team of researchers reports data suggesting men
who copulate frequently produce semen that coagulates for a longer time,
copulatory plugs don’t appear to be in the human sexual arsenal.
Despite its lack of curlicues, the human penis is not without interesting
design features. Primate sexuality expert Alan Dixson writes, “In primates which
live in family groups consisting of an adult pair plus offspring [such as gibbons]
the male usually has a small and relatively unspecialized penis.” Say what you
will about the human penis, but it ain’t small or unspecialized. Reproductive
biologist Roger Short (real name) writes, “The great size of the erect human
penis, in marked contrast to that of the Great Apes, makes one wonder what
particular evolutionary forces have been at work.” Geoffrey Miller just comes
out and says it: “Adult male humans have the longest, thickest, and most flexible
penises of any living primate.”
1 So there.
Homo sapiens: the great ape with the great penis!
The unusual flared glans of the human penis forming the coronal ridge,
combined with the repeated thrusting action characteristic of human intercourse
—ranging anywhere from ten to five hundred thrusts per romantic interlude—
creates a vacuum in the female’s reproductive tract. This vacuum pulls any
previously deposited semen away from the ovum, thus aiding the sperm about to
be sent into action. But wouldn’t this vacuum action also draw away a man’s
own sperm? No, because upon ejaculation, the head of the penis shrinks in size
before any loss of tumescence (stiffness) in the shaft, thus neutralizing the
suction that might have pulled his own boys back.
2 Very clever.
Penis Lengths of African Apes (cm)
Intrepid researchers have demonstrated this process, known as semen
displacement, using artificial semen made of cornstarch (the same recipe used to
simulate exaggerated ejaculates in many pornographic films), latex vaginas, and
artificial penises in a proper university laboratory setting. Professor Gordon G.
Gallup and his team reported that more than 90 percent of the cornstarch mixture
was displaced with just a single thrust of their lab penis. “We theorize that as a
consequence of competition for paternity, human males evolved uniquely
configured penises that function to displace semen from the vagina left by other
males,” Gallup told BBC News Online.
It bears repeating that the human penis is the longest and thickest of any
primate’s—in both absolute and relative terms. And despite all the bad press
they get, men last far longer in the saddle than bonobos (fifteen seconds), chimps
(seven seconds), or gorillas (sixty seconds), clocking in between four and seven
minutes, on average.
Average Copulation Duration (seconds)
The chimpanzee penis, meanwhile, is a thin, conical appendage without the
flared glans of the human member. Nor is sustained thrusting common to
chimpanzee or bonobo copulation. (But really, how much sustained anything can
you expect in seven seconds?) So while our closest ape cousins may have us beat
in the testicles department, they lose to the human penis on size, duration, and
cool design features. Furthermore, the average seminal volume in a human
ejaculate is about four times that of chimpanzees, bringing the total number of
sperm cells per ejaculate within range of the chimp’s.
Returning to the question of whether the human scrotum is half-empty or
half-full, the very existence of the external human scrotum suggests sperm
competition in human evolution. Gorillas and gibbons, like most other mammals
that don’t engage in sperm competition, generally aren’t equipped for it.
3
A scrotum is like a spare refrigerator in the garage just for beer. If you’ve
got a spare beer fridge, you’re probably the type who expects a party to break
out at any moment. You want to be prepared. A scrotum fulfills the same
function. By keeping the testicles a few degrees cooler than they would be inside
the body, a scrotum allows chilled spermatozoa to accumulate and remain viable
longer, available if needed.
Anyone who’s been kicked in the beer fridge can tell you this is a potentially
costly arrangement. The increased vulnerability of having testes out there in the
wind inviting attack or accident rather than tucked away safely inside the body is
hard to overstate—especially if you’re crumpled in the fetal position, unable to
breathe. Given the unrelenting logic of evolutionary cost/benefit analyses, we
can be quite certain this is not an adaptation without good reason.
4 Why carry
the tools if you don’t have the job?
There is compelling evidence pointing to a dramatic reduction in human
sperm production and testicular volume in recent times. Researchers have
documented worrisome decreases in average sperm count as well as reduced
vitality of the sperm that do survive. One researcher suggests that average sperm
counts in Danish men have plummeted from 113 × 10
6
in 1940 to about half that
in 1990 (66 × 10
6
).
5 The list of potential causes for the collapse is long, ranging
from estrogen-like compounds in soybeans and the milk of pregnant cows to
pesticides, fertilizers, growth hormones in cattle, and chemicals used in plastics.
Recent research suggests the widely prescribed antidepressant paroxetine (sold
as Seroxat or Paxil) may damage DNA in sperm cells.
6 The Human
Reproduction study at the University of Rochester found that men whose
mothers had eaten beef more than seven times per week while pregnant were
three times more likely to be classified as subfertile (fewer than twenty million
sperm per milliliter of seminal fluid). Among these sons of beef eaters, the rate
of subfertility was 17.7 percent, as opposed to 5.7 percent among men whose
mothers ate beef less often.
Humans seem to have much more sperm-producing tissue than any
monogamous or polygynous primate would need. Men produce only about onethird to one-eighth as much sperm per gram of spermatogenic tissue as eight
other mammals tested.
7 Researchers have noted similar surplus capacities in
other aspects of human sperm and semen-production physiology.
8
The correlation between infrequent ejaculation and various health problems
offers further evidence that present-day men are not using their reproductive
equipment to its fullest potential. A team of Australian researchers, for example,
found that men who had ejaculated more than five times per week between the
ages of twenty and fifty were one-third less likely to develop prostate cancer
later in life.
9 Along with the fructose, potassium, zinc, and other benign
components of semen, trace amounts of carcinogens are often present, so
researchers hypothesize that the reduction in cancer rates may be due to the
frequent flushing of the ducts.
A different team from Sydney University reported in late 2007 that daily
ejaculation dramatically reduced DNA damage to men’s sperm cells, thereby
increasing male fertility—quite the opposite of the conventional wisdom. After
forty-two men with damaged sperm were instructed to ejaculate daily for a
week, almost all showed less chromosomal damage than a control group who
had abstained for three days.
10
Frequent orgasm is associated with better cardiac health as well. A study
conducted at the University of Bristol and Queen’s University of Belfast found
that men who have three or more orgasms per week are 50 percent less likely to
die from coronary heart disease.
11
Use it or lose it is one of the basic tenets of natural selection. With its
relentless economizing, evolution rarely equips an organism for a task not
performed. If contemporary levels of sperm and semen production were typical
of our ancestors, it is unlikely our species would have evolved so much surplus
capacity. Contemporary men have far more potential than they use. But if it’s
true that modern human testicles are mere shadows of their former selves, what
happened?
Since the infertile leave no descendants, it’s a truism in evolutionary theory
that infertility can’t be inherited. But low fertility can be passed along under
certain conditions. As discussed above, chromosomes in humans, chimps, and
bonobos associated with sperm-producing tissue respond very rapidly to
adaptive pressures—far more rapidly than other parts of the genome or the
corresponding chromosomes in gorillas, for example.
In the reproductive environment we envision, characterized by frequent
sexual interaction, females would typically have mated with multiple males
during each ovulatory period, as do female chimps and bonobos. Thus, men with
impaired fertility would have been unlikely to father children, as their sperm
cells would have been overwhelmed by those of other sexual partners. The genes
for robust sperm production are strongly favored in such an environment, while
mutations resulting in decreased male fertility would have been filtered out of
the gene pool, as they still are in chimps and bonobos.
But now consider the repercussions of culturally imposed sexual monogamy
—even if enforced only for women, as was often the case until recently. In a
monogamous mating system where a woman has sex with only one man, there is
no sperm competition with other males. Sex becomes like an election in a
dictatorship: just one candidate can win, no matter how few votes are cast. So,
even a man with impaired sperm production is likely to ring the bell eventually,
thus conceiving sons (and perhaps daughters) with increased potential for
weakened fertility. In this scenario, genes associated with reduced fertility would
no longer be removed from the gene pool. They’d spread, resulting in a steady
reduction in overall male fertility and generalized atrophy of human spermproduction tissue.
Just as eyeglasses have allowed survival and reproduction for people with
visual incapacities that would have doomed them (and their genes) in ancestral
environments, sexual monogamy permits fertility-reducing mutations to
proliferate, causing testicular diminishments that would never have lasted among
our nonmonogamous ancestors. The most recent estimates show that sperm
dysfunction affects about one in twenty men around the world, being the single
most common cause of subfertilility in couples (defined as no pregnancy after a
year of trying). Every indication is that the problem is growing steadily worse.
12
Nobody’s maintaining the spare fridge much anymore, so it’s breaking down.
If our paradigm of prehistoric human sexuality is correct, in addition to
environmental toxins and food additives, sexual monogamy may be a significant
factor in the contemporary infertility crisis. Widespread monogamy may also
help explain why, despite our promiscuous past, the testicles of contemporary
Homo sapiens are smaller than those of chimps and bonobos and, as indicated by
our excess sperm-production capacity, than those of our own ancestors.
Sexual monogamy itself may be shrinking men’s balls.
Perhaps we can declare an end to the standoff between those who argue that
small human testicles tell “a story of romance and bonding between the sexes
going back a long time, perhaps to the beginning of our lineage,” and those who
contend that our slightly-larger-than-they-should-be-if-we’re-reallymonogamous testicles indicate many millennia of “mild polygyny.” Humans
have medium-size testicles by primate standards—with strong indications of
recent dwindling—but can still produce ejaculates teeming with hundreds of
millions of spermatozoa. Along with a penis adapted to sperm competition,
human testicles strongly suggest ancestral females had multiple lovers within a
menstrual cycle. Human testicles are the equivalent of drying apples on a
November tree—shrinking reminders of days gone by.
As a way of testing this hypothesis, we should find that relative penis and
testicle data differ among racial and cultural groups. These differences—
theoretically due to significant and consistent differences in the intensity of
sperm competition in recent historical times—are what we do find, if we dare to
look.
13
Because fit is so important in the effectiveness of condoms, World Health
Organization guidelines specify different sizes for various parts of the world: a
49-millimeter-width condom for Asia, a 52-millimeter width for North America
and Europe, and a 53-millimeter width for Africa (all condoms are longer than
most men will ever need). The condoms manufactured in China for their
domestic market are 49 millimeters wide. According to a study conducted by the
Indian Council of Medical Research, high levels of slippage and failure are due
to a bad fit between many Indian men and the international standards used in
condom manufacture.
14
According to an article published in Nature, Japanese and Chinese men’s
testicles tend to be smaller than those of Caucasian men, on average. The authors
of the study concluded that “differences in body size make only a slight
contribution to these values.”
15 Other researchers have confirmed these general
trends, finding average combined testes weights of 24 grams for Asians, 29 to 33
grams for Caucasians, and 50 grams for Africans.
16 Researchers found “marked
differences in testis size among human races. Even controlling for age
differences among samples, adult male Danes have testes that are more than
twice the size of their Chinese equivalents, for example.”
17 This range is far
beyond what average racial differences in body size would predict. Various
estimates conclude that Caucasians produce about twice the number of
spermatozoa per day than do Chinese (185–235 × 10
6 compared with 84 × 10
6
).
These are dangerous waters we’re swimming in, dear reader, suggesting that
culture, environment, and behavior can be reflected in anatomy—genital
anatomy, at that. But any serious biologist or physician knows there are
anatomical differences expressed racially. Despite the hair-trigger sensitivity of
these issues, not to consider racial background in the diagnosis and treatment of
disease would be unethical.
Still, some of the reluctance to connect culturally sanctioned behavior with
genital anatomy is as much due to the difficulty of finding reliable historical
information about true rates of female promiscuity as to the emotionally charged
nature of the material itself. Furthermore, diet and environmental factors would
have to be factored in before arriving at any solid conclusions regarding the
relationship between sexual monogamy and genital anatomy. For example, many
Asian diets include large quantities of soy products, while many Western people
consume large quantities of beef, both having been shown to cause rapid
generational reduction in testicular volume and spermatogenesis. Given the
controversial nature of such research, and the complexities of eliminating so
many variables, perhaps it’s not surprising that this is an area few researchers are
eager to enter.
There is a wide world of evidence that human sexual activity goes far beyond
what’s needed for reproduction. While the social function of sex is now seen
mainly in terms of maintaining the nuclear family, this is far from the only way
societies channel human sexual energies to promote social stability.
Coming in at hundreds or thousands of copulations per child born, human
beings outcopulate even chimpanzees and bonobos—and are far beyond gorillas
and gibbons. When the average duration of each copulation is factored in, the
sheer amount of time spent in sexual activity by human beings easily surpasses
that of any other primate—even if we agree to ignore all our fantasizing,
dreaming, and masturbating.
The evidence that sperm competition played a role in human evolution is
simply overwhelming. In the words of one researcher, “Without sperm warfare
during human evolution, men would have tiny genitals and produce few
sperm…. There would be no thrusting during intercourse, no sex dreams or
fantasies, no masturbation, and we would each feel like having intercourse only
a dozen or so times in our entire lives…. Sex and society, art and literature—in
fact, the whole of human culture—would be different.”
18 We can add to this list
the fact that men and women would be the same height and weight (if
monogamous) or that men would likely be twice the size of women (if
polygynous).
Just as Darwin’s famous finches in the Galápagos evolved different beak
structures for cracking different seeds, related species often evolve different
mechanisms for sperm competition. The sexual evolution of chimps and
bonobos followed a strategy dependent upon repeated ejaculations of small but
highly concentrated deposits of sperm cells, while humans evolved an approach
featuring:
a penis designed to pull back preexisting sperm, with extended, repeated
thrusting;
less frequent (compared to chimps and bonobos) but larger ejaculates;
testicular volume and libido far beyond what’s needed for monogamous or
polygynous mating;
rapid-reaction DNA controlling development of testicular tissue, this DNA
apparently being absent in monogamous or polygynous primates;
overall sperm content per ejaculate—even today—in the range of chimps
and bonobos; and
the precarious location of the testicles in a vulnerable external scrotum,
associated with promiscuous mating.
In Spanish, the word esperar can mean “to expect” or “to hope”—depending
on context. “Archaeology,” writes Bogucki, “is very much constrained by what
the modern imagination allows in the range of human behavior.”
19 So is
evolutionary theory. Perhaps so many still conclude that sexual monogamy is
characteristic of our species’ evolutionary past, despite the clear messages
inscribed in every man’s body and appetites, because this is what they expect
and hope to find there.
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
The Prehistory of O
Now there you have a sample of man’s “reasoning powers,” as he calls
them. He observes certain facts. For instance, that in all his life he never
sees the day that he can satisfy one woman; also, that no woman ever sees
the day that she can’t overwork, and defeat, and put out of commission any
ten masculine plants that can be put to bed to her. He puts those strikingly
suggestive and luminous facts together, and from them draws this
astonishing conclusion: The Creator intended the woman to be restricted to
one man.
MARK TWAIN, Letters from the Earth
We recently spotted a young man strolling down Las Ramblas in Barcelona
proudly sporting a T-shirt proclaiming that he was Born to F*ck. One wonders
whether he has a whole set of these shirts at home: Born to Bre*the, Born to E*t,
Born to Dr*nk, Born to Sh*t, and of course the depressing but inevitable Born to
D*e.
But maybe he was making a deeper point. After all, the argument central to
this book is that sex has long served many crucial functions for Homo sapiens,
with reproduction being only the most obvious among them. Since we human
beings spend more time and energy planning, executing, and recalling our sexual
exploits than any other species on Earth, maybe we all should wear such shirts.
Or maybe just the women. When it comes to sex, men may be trash-talking
sprinters, but it’s the women who win all the marathons. Any marriage counselor
will tell you the most common sex-related complaint women make about men is
that they are too quick and too direct. Meanwhile, men’s most frequent sexrelated gripe about women is that they take too damned long to get warmed up.
After an orgasm, a woman may be anticipating a dozen more. A female body in
motion tends to stay in motion. But men come and go. For them, the curtain falls
quickly and the mind turns to unrelated matters.
This symmetry of dual disappointment illustrates the almost comical
incompatibility between men’s and women’s sexual response in the context of
monogamous mating. You have to wonder: if men and women evolved together
in sexually monogamous couples for millions of years, how did we end up being
so incompatible? It’s as if we’ve been sitting down to dinner together,
millennium after millennium, but half of us can’t help wolfing everything down
in a few frantic, sloppy minutes, while the other half are still setting the table and
lighting candles.
Yes, we know: mixed strategies, lots of cheap sperm versus a few expensive
eggs in one basket, and so on. But these flagrantly maladjusted sexual responses
make far more sense when viewed as relics of our having evolved in
promiscuous groups. Rather than spinning theories within theories in an effort to
prop up an unstable paradigm—monogamy with mistakes, mild polygyny, mixed
mating strategies, serial monogamy—can we simply face the one scenario where
none of this self-contradicting, inconsistent special pleading is necessary?
Okay, fine, it’s embarrassing. Maybe even humiliating, if you’re prone to
that sort of thing. But 150 years after On the Origin of Species was published,
isn’t it time to accept that our ancestors evolved along a sexual trajectory similar
to that of our two highly social, very intelligent, closely related primate cousins?
With any other question we have about the origins of human behavior, we look
to chimps and bonobos for important clues: language, tool use, political
alliances, war, reconciliation, altruism…but when it comes to sex, we prudishly
turn away from these models to the distantly related, antisocial, low-I.Q. but
monogamous gibbon? Really?
We’ve pointed out how the agricultural revolution triggered radical social
reconfigurations from which we’re still reeling. Perhaps the far-fetched denial of
our promiscuous sexual prehistory expresses a legitimate fear of social
instability, but insistent demands for a stable social order (based, as we’re often
reminded, upon the nuclear family unit) cannot erase the effects of the hundreds
of thousands of years that came before our species settled into stable villages.
If female chimps and bonobos could talk, do we really think they’d be
griping to their hairy girlfriends about prematurely ejaculating males who don’t
bring flowers anymore? Probably not, because as we’ve seen, when a female
chimp or bonobo is in the mood, she’s likely to be the center of plenty of eager
male attention. And the more attention she gets, the more she attracts, because as
it turns out, our male primate cousins get turned on by the sight and sound of
others of their species having sex. Imagine that.
“What Horrid Extravagancies of Minde!”
No man (who is but never so little versed in such matters) is ignorant, what
grievous symptomes, the Rising, Bearing down and Perversion, and
Convulsion of the Wombe do excite; what horrid extravagancies of minde,
what Phrensies, Melancholy Distempers, and Outragiousness, the
preternatural Diseases of the Womb do induce, as if affected Persons were
inchanted….
WILLIAM HARVEY, Anatomical Exercitations concerning the Generation
of Living Creatures (1653)
Hysteria was one of the first diseases to be described formally. Hippocrates
discussed it in the fourth century BCE, and you’ll find it in any medical text
covering women’s health written from medieval times until it was removed from
the list of recognized medical diagnoses in 1952 (twenty-one years before
homosexuality was finally removed). Hysteria was still one of the most
diagnosed diseases in the United States and Great Britain as recently as the early
twentieth century. You might wonder how physicians treated this chronic
condition over the centuries.
We’ll tell you. Doctors masturbated their female patients to orgasm.
According to historian Rachel Maines, female patients were routinely massaged
to orgasm from the time of Hippocrates until the 1920s. Have a seat; the doctor
will be right with you….
While some passed the job off to nurses, most physicians performed the
therapy themselves, though apparently not without some difficulty. Nathaniel
Highmore, writing in 1660, noted that it was not an easy technique to learn,
being “not unlike that game of boys in which they try to rub their stomachs with
one hand and pat their heads with the other.”
Whatever challenges male physicians faced in mastering the technique, it
seems to have been worth the effort. The Health and Diseases of Women,
published in 1873, estimates that about 75 percent of American women were in
need of these treatments and that they constituted the single largest market for
therapeutic services. Despite Donald Symons’s protestations that “[a]mong all
peoples sexual intercourse is understood to be a service or favor that females
render to males,” it seems that for centuries, orgasmic release was a service male
doctors rendered to women…for a price.
Much of this information comes from The Technology of Orgasm, Maines’s
wonderful book on this “disease” and its treatment through the centuries.
1 And
what were the symptoms of this “disease”? Unsurprisingly, they were identical
to those of sexual frustration and chronic arousal: “anxiety, sleeplessness,
irritability, nervousness, erotic fantasy, sensations of heaviness in the abdomen,
lower pelvic edema, and vaginal lubrication.”
This supposed medical treatment for horny, frustrated women was not an
isolated aberration confined to ancient history, but just one element in an ancient
crusade to pathologize the demands of the female libido—a libido that experts
have long insisted hardly exists.
The men who provided this lucrative therapy didn’t write about “orgasm” in
the medical articles they published on hysteria and its treatment. Rather, they
published serious, sober discussion of “vulvular massage” leading to “nervous
paroxysm” that brought temporary relief to the patient. These were ideal
patients, after all. They didn’t die or recover from their condition. They just kept
returning, eager for more treatment sessions.
This arrangement might strike some readers as the very definition of “good
work if you can get it,” but many physicians apparently felt otherwise. Maines
found “no evidence that male physicians enjoyed providing pelvic massage
treatments. On the contrary, this male elite sought every opportunity to substitute
other devices for their fingers.”
What “other devices” does Maines have in mind? See if you can finish this
series:
1. Sewing machine
2. Fan
3. Tea kettle
4. Toaster
5. ?
Here’s a hint: These are the first five electrical appliances sold directly to
American consumers. Give up? The Hamilton Beach Company of Racine,
Wisconsin, patented the first home-use vibrator in 1902, thereby making it just
the fifth electrical appliance approved for domestic use. By 1917, there were
more vibrators than toasters in American homes. But before it became an
instrument for self-treatment (“All the pleasures of youth…will throb within
you,” one suggestive ad promised), vibrators had already been in use for decades
in the offices of physicians who’d grown weary of “rubbing their stomachs and
patting their heads at the same time.”
Motivated by the wonders of industrialization, many doctors had sought a
way to mechanize the delivery of their treatment. American ingenuity would
mass-produce orgasms for women who were denied them in their “properly
chaste,” sexually deprived lives: the first vibrators were invented by these
enterprising physicians.
Late nineteenth–and early twentieth–century medical tinkerers designed all
sorts of devices to provoke the necessary nervous paroxysms in their patients.
Some were diesel powered; others ran on steam, like little locomotives that
could. Some were huge contraptions hanging from the rafters on chains and
pulleys, like engine blocks at an auto shop. Others sported pistons thrusting
dildos through holes in tables or involved high-pressure water directed at the
patient’s genitalia like a fire brigade called in to douse the consuming flames of
female passion. And all the while, the good doctors never publicly admitted that
what they were doing was more sex than medicine.
But perhaps even more dumbfounding than their silence on being paid to
provoke nervous paroxysms like so many Chippendale’s studs is the fact that
these same medical authorities managed to maintain the conviction that female
sexuality was a weak and reluctant thing.
The medical monopoly on providing socially acceptable extramarital
orgasms to women was assured by a strict prohibition against women or girls
masturbating themselves to orgasm. In 1850, the New Orleans Medical &
Surgical Journal declared masturbation public enemy number one, warning:
“Neither plague, nor war, nor smallpox, nor a crowd of similar evils, have
resulted more disastrously for humanity than the habit of masturbation: it is the
destroying element of civilized society.” Children and adults were warned that
masturbation was not only sinful, but very dangerous—sure to result in severe
health consequences, including blindness, infertility, and insanity. Besides, these
authorities intoned, “normal” women had little sexual desire anyway.
In his Psychopathia Sexualis, published in 1886, German neurologist
Richard von Krafft-Ebing declared what everyone already thought they knew:
“If [a woman] is normally developed mentally and well-bred, her sexual desire is
small. If this were not so, the whole world would become a brothel and marriage
and a family impossible.”
2 To have suggested that women enjoyed, indeed
needed regular orgasmic release, would have been shocking to men and
humiliating to most women. Perhaps it still is.
While the anti-masturbation frenzy has roots deep in Judeo-Christian history,
it found unfortunate medical support in Simon André Tissot’s A Treatise on the
Disease Produced by Onanism, published in 1758. Tissot apparently recognized
the symptoms of syphilis and gonorrhea, which were considered a single disease
at the time. But he misunderstood these symptoms as signs of semen depletion
due to promiscuity, prostitution, and masturbation.
3
A century later, in 1858, a British gynecologist named Isaac Baker Brown
(president of the Medical Society of London at the time) proposed that most
women’s diseases were attributable to overexcitement of the nervous system,
with the pudic nerve, which runs to the clitoris, being particularly culpable. He
listed the eight stages of progressive disease triggered by female masturbation:
1. Hysteria
2. Spinal irritation
3. Hysterical epilepsy
4. Cataleptic fits
5. Epileptic fits
6. Idiocy
7. Mania
8. Death
Baker Brown argued that surgical removal of the clitoris was the best way to
prevent this fatal slide from pleasure to idiocy to death. After gaining
considerable celebrity and performing an unknown number of clitorectomies,
Baker Brown’s methods fell out of favor and he was expelled from the London
Obstetrical Society in disgrace. Baker Brown subsequently went insane, and
clitorectomy was discredited in British medical circles.
4
Unfortunately, Baker Brown’s writing had already had a significant impact
on medical practice across the Atlantic. Clitorectomies continued to be
performed in the United States well into the twentieth century as a cure for
hysteria, nymphomania, and female masturbation. As late as 1936, Holt’s
Diseases of Infancy and Childhood, a respected medical-school text,
recommended surgical removal or cauterization of the clitoris as a cure for
masturbation in girls.
By the middle of the twentieth century, as the procedure was finally falling
into disrepute in the United States, it was revived with a new rationale. Now,
rather than a way to stamp out masturbation, surgical removal of large clitorises
was recommended for cosmetic purposes.
5
Before becoming a target for surgery, the clitoris had been ignored by male
authors of elaborate anatomical sketchbooks for centuries. It wasn’t until the
mid-1500s that a Venetian professor by the name of Matteo Realdo Colombo,
who had previously studied anatomy with Michelangelo, stumbled upon a
mysterious protuberance between a woman’s legs. As described in Federico
Andahazi’s historical novel The Anatomist, Colombo made this discovery while
examining a patient named Inés de Torremolinos. Colombo noted that Inés grew
tense when he manipulated this small button, and that it appeared to grow in size
at his touch. Clearly, this would require further exploration. After examining
scores of other women, Colombo found that all of them had this same heretofore
“undiscovered” protuberance and that they all responded similarly to gentle
manipulation.
In March of 1558, Andahazi tells us that Colombo proudly reported his
“discovery” of the clitoris to the dean of his faculty.
6 As Jonathan Margolis
speculates in O: The Intimate History of the Orgasm, the response was probably
not what Colombo had anticipated. The professor was “arrested in his classroom
within days, accused of heresy, blasphemy, witchcraft and Satanism, put on trial
and imprisoned. His manuscripts were confiscated, and his [discovery] was
never permitted to be mentioned again until centuries after his death.”
7
Beware the Devil’s Teat
The “illness” that led frustrated women to the offices of vibrator-wielding
doctors a century ago often led someplace far worse in medieval Europe. As
historian Reay Tannahill explains, “The Malleus Maleficarum (1486), the first
great handbook of the witch inquisitors, had no more difficulty than a modern
psycho-analyst in accepting that [a certain] type of woman might readily believe
she had had intercourse with the Devil himself, a huge, black, monstrous being
with an enormous penis and seminal fluid as cold as ice water.”
8 But it wasn’t
only sexual dreams that attracted the brutal attentions of erotophobic authorities.
If a witch-hunter in the 1600s discovered a woman or girl with an unusually
large clitoris, this “devil’s teat” was sufficient to condemn her to death.
9
Medieval Europe suffered periodic plagues of incubi and succubi, male and
female demons thought to be invading the dreams, beds, and bodies of living
people. Thomas Aquinas and others believed that these demons impregnated
women on their nocturnal visits by first posing as a succubus (a female spirit
who has sex with a sleeping man in order to obtain his sperm), and then
depositing the sperm in an unsuspecting woman in the form of an incubus (a
male spirit ravishing a sleeping woman). Women thus thought to have been
impregnated by malevolent spirits flitting about like nocturnal honeybees were at
special risk of being exposed as witches and dealt with accordingly. Any stories
these women might have told regarding the true origins of their pregnancy
conveniently died with them.
Though now considered one of the finest novels ever written, Madame Bovary
was denounced as immoral when it was first published in late 1856. Public
prosecutors in Paris were upset that Gustave Flaubert portrayed a headstrong
peasant girl who flaunted the rules of established propriety by taking lovers.
They felt her character met with insufficient punishment. Flaubert’s defense was
that the work was “eminently moral” on those terms. After all, Emma Bovary
dies by her own hand in misery, poverty, shame, and desperation. Insufficient
punishment? The case against the book, in other words, turned on whether
Emma Bovary’s punishment was agonizing and horrible enough, not on whether
she deserved such suffering at all or had any right to pursue sexual fulfillment in
the first place.
But even Flaubert and his misogynistic prosecutors could never have
dreamed up the punishments said to befall immodest women among the Tzotzil
Maya of Central America. Sarah Blaffer Hrdy explains that “the h’ik’al, a supersexed demon with a several-foot-long penis,” seizes women who have
misbehaved, “carrying them off to his cave, where he rapes them.” Little girls
are told that any woman unlucky enough to become pregnant by the h’ik’al
“swells up and then gives birth night after night, until she dies.”
10
This apparent need to punish female sexual desire as something evil,
dangerous, and pathological is not limited to medieval times or remote Mayan
villages. Recent estimates by the World Health Organization suggest that more
than 100 million girls and women are living with the consequences of genital
mutilation.
The Force Required to Suppress It
A fire is never sated by any amount of logs, nor the ocean by rivers that
flow into it; death cannot be sated by all the creatures in the world, nor a
fair-eyed woman by any amount of men.
THE KAMA SUTRA
Before the war on drugs, the war on terror, or the war on cancer, there was the
war on female sexual desire. It’s a war that has been raging far longer than any
other, and its victims number well into the billions by now. Like the others, it’s a
war that can never be won, as the declared enemy is a force of nature. We may
as well declare war on the cycles of the moon.
There is a pathetic futility animating the centuries-long insistence—against
overwhelming evidence to the contrary—that the human female is indifferent to
the insistent urgings of libido. Recall the medical authorities in the antebellum
South who assured plantation owners that slaves trying to break out of their
chains were not human beings deserving of freedom and dignity, but sufferers of
Drapetomania, a medical disorder best cured with a good lashing. And who can
forget the “well-intentioned” Inquisition that forced Galileo to disown truths as
obvious to him as they were offensive to minds calcified by power and doctrine?
In this ongoing struggle between what is and what many post-agricultural
patriarchal societies insist must be, women who have dared to renounce the
credo of the coy female are still spat upon, insulted, divorced, separated from
their children, banished, burned as witches, pathologized as hysterics, buried to
their necks in desert sand, and stoned to death. They and their children—those
“sons and daughters of bitches”—are still sacrificed to the perverse, conflicted
gods of ignorance, shame, and fear.
If psychiatrist Mary Jane Sherfey was correct when she wrote, “The strength
of the drive determines the force required to suppress it” (an observation
downright Newtonian in its irrefutable simplicity), then what are we to make of
the force brought to bear on the suppression of female libido?
11
CHAPTER NINETEEN
When Girls Go Wild
Female Copulatory Vocalization
Here’s a question we ask the audience every time we give a public presentation:
If you’ve ever heard a heterosexual couple having sex (and who hasn’t?), which
partner was louder? The answer we get every time, every place—from men,
women, straight, gay, American, French, Japanese, and Brazilians—is always
the same. Hands down. No question about it. Not even close. We don’t have to
tell you because you already know, don’t you? Yes, the “meek,” “demure,”
“coy” sex is the source of the high-decibel moaning, groaning, and calling out to
the good Lord above, neighbors be damned.
But why? Within the framework of the standard narrative of human
sexuality, what scientists call female copulatory vocalization (FCV) is a major
conundrum. You’ll recall Steven Pinker’s claim that “[i]n all societies, sex is at
least somewhat ‘dirty.’ It is conducted in private….”
1 Why would the female of
such a species risk attracting all that attention? Why is it that from the Lower
East Side to the upper reaches of the Amazon, women are far more likely than
men to loudly announce their sexual pleasure for all to hear?
And why is the sound of a woman having an orgasm so difficult for
heterosexual men to ignore?
2 They say women can hear a baby crying from a
great distance, but gentlemen, we ask you, is there any sound easier to pick out
of the cacophony of an apartment block—and harder to ignore—than that of a
woman lost in passion?
If you’re one of the ten or fifteen people alive who have never seen Meg
Ryan’s fake orgasm scene in When Harry Met Sally, go watch it now (it’s easily
accessible online). It’s one of the best-known scenes in all of modern cinema,
but if the roles were reversed, the scene wouldn’t be funny—it wouldn’t even
make sense. Imagine: Billy Crystal sits at the restaurant table, he starts breathing
harder, maybe his eyes bug out a bit, he grunts a few times, takes a few bites of
his sandwich, and falls asleep. No big laughs. Nobody in the deli even notices. If
male orgasm is a muffled crash of cymbals, female orgasm is full-on opera. Full
of screaming, shouting, singing people standing around with spears, and table
pounding sure to quiet even the noisiest New York deli.
3
Female cries of ecstasy aren’t a modern phenomenon. The Kama Sutra
contains ancient advice on female copulatory vocalization in terms of erotic
technique, categorizing an aviary of ecstatic expression a woman might choose
from: “As a major part of moaning, she may use, according to her imagination,
the cries of the dove, cuckoo, green pigeon, parrot, bee, nightingale, goose, duck
and partridge.” A goose? Honk if You Sex!
But apart from barnyard erotic technique, it just doesn’t make sense for the
female of a monogamous (or “mildly polygynous”) species to call attention to
herself when mating. On the other hand, if thousands of generations of multiple
mating are built into modern human sexuality, it’s pretty clear what all the
shouting’s about.
As it turns out, women aren’t the only female primates making a lot of noise
in the throes of passion. British primatologist Stuart Semple found that, “In a
wide variety of species, females vocalize just before, during or immediately after
they mate. These vocalizations,” Semple says, “are particularly common among
the primates and evidence is now accumulating that by calling, a female incites
males in her group….”
4 Precisely. There’s a good reason the sound of a woman
enjoying a sexual encounter entices a heterosexual man. Her “copulation call” is
a potential invitation to come hither, thus provoking sperm competition.
Semple recorded more than 550 copulation calls from seven different female
baboons and analyzed their acoustic structure. He found that these complex
vocalizations contained information related both to the female’s reproductive
state (the vocalizations were more complex when females were closer to
ovulation) and to the status of the male “inspiring” any given vocalization (calls
were longer and contained more distinct sonic units during matings with higherranked males). Thus, in these baboons at least, listening males could presumably
gain information as to their likelihood of impregnating a calling female, as well
as some sense of the rank of the male they’d find with her if they approached.
Meredith Small agrees that the copulation calls of female primates are easily
identifiable: “Even the uninitiated can identify female non-human primate
orgasm, or sexual pleasure. Females,” Small tells us, “make noises not heard in
any other context but mating.”
5 Female lion-tailed macaques use copulation calls
to invite male attention even when not ovulating. Small reports that among these
primates, ovulating females most often directed their invitations at males outside
their own troop, thus bringing new blood into the mating mix.
6
Female copulatory vocalization is highly associated with promiscuous
mating, but not with monogamy. Alan Dixson has noted that the females of
promiscuous primate species emit more complex mating calls than females of
monogamous and polygynous species.
7 Complexity aside, Gauri Pradhan and his
colleagues conducted a survey of copulation calls in a variety of primates and
found that “variation in females’ promiscuity predicts their tendency to use
copulation calls in conjunction with mating.” Their data show that higher levels
of promiscuity predict more frequent copulation calls.
8
William J. Hamilton and Patricia C. Arrowood analyzed the copulatory
vocalizations of various primates, including three human couples going at it.
9
They noticed that “female sounds gradually intensified as orgasm approached
and at orgasm assumed a rapid, regular (equal note lengths and inter-note
intervals) rhythm absent in the males’ calls at orgasm.” Still, the authors can’t
help sounding a tad let down when they note, “Neither sex [of human]…showed
the complexity of note structure characteristic of baboon copulatory
vocalizations.” But that’s probably a good thing, because elsewhere in their
article we learn that female baboons’ copulation calls are clearly audible to even
human ears from three hundred meters away.
Before you conclude that female copulatory vocalization is just a fancy
phrase for a little excitement, think about the predators possibly alerted by this
primate passion. Chimps and bonobos may be out of reach up in the branches,
but baboons (like our ground-dwelling ancestors) live among leopards and other
predators who would be quite interested in a two-for-one special on fresh
primate—especially given a mating pair’s distracted, vulnerable state.
As Hamilton and Arrowood put it: “In spite of the risk of exposure of
individuals and the troop to predators these baboons habitually call during
copulation, [so] the calls must have some adaptive value.” What could that be?
The authors offered several hypotheses, including the notion that the calls may
be a stratagem to help activate the male’s ejaculatory reflex, an analysis with
which many prostitutes would presumably agree. Perhaps there is something to
this idea,
10 but even so, male primates are not known for needing a great deal of
assistance in activating their ejaculatory reflex. If anything, the human male
ejaculatory reflex tends to be too easily activated—at least from the perspective
of women not being paid to activate it as quickly as possible. Especially given
all the other convergent evidence, it seems far more likely that in humans,
female copulatory vocalization would serve to attract males to the ovulating,
sexually receptive female, thus promoting sperm competition, with all its
attendant benefits—both reproductive and social.
Yet despite all the loud carrying on by women the world over, “The credo of
the coy female persists,” writes Natalie Angier. “It is garlanded with
qualifications and is admitted to be an imperfect portrayal of female mating
strategies but then, that little matter of etiquette attended to, the credo is stated
once again.”
Sin Tetas, No Hay Paraíso
11
For better or worse, the human female’s naughty bits don’t swell up to five times
their normal size and turn bright red to signal her sexual availability. But is there
anatomical evidence suggesting that women evolved to be highly sexual? No
question. It turns out that every bit as much as a man’s body, the woman’s body
(and preconscious behavior) is replete with indications of millennia of
promiscuity and sperm competition.
Considering its almost total lack of muscle tissue, the female breast wields
amazing power. Curvaceous women have leveraged this power to manipulate
even the most accomplished, disciplined men for as long as anyone’s been
around to notice. Empires have fallen, wills have been revised, millions of
magazines and calendars sold, Super Bowl audiences scandalized…all in
response to the mysterious force emanating from what are, after all, small bags
of fat.
One of the oldest human images known, the so-called Venus of Willendorf,
created about 25,000 years ago, features a bosom of Dolly Parton-esque
dimensions. Two hundred fifty centuries later, the power of the exaggerated
breast shows little sign of getting old. According to the American Society of
Plastic Surgery, 347,254 breast augmentation procedures were performed in the
United States in 2007, making it the nation’s most commonly performed surgical
procedure. What gives the female breast such transcendent influence over
heterosexual male consciousness?
First, let’s dispense with any purely utilitarian interpretations. While the
mammary glands contained in women’s breasts exist for the feeding of infants,
the fatty tissue that confers the magical curve of the human breast—the swell,
sway, and jiggle—has nothing to do with milk production. Given the clear
physiological costs of having pendulous breasts (back strain, loss of balance,
difficulty running), if they aren’t meant to advertise milk for babies, why did
human females evolve and retain these cumbersome appendages?
Theories range from the belief that breasts serve as signaling devices
announcing fertility and fat deposits sufficient to withstand the rigors of
pregnancy and breastfeeding
12
to “genital echo theory”: females developed
pendulous breasts around the time hominids began walking upright in order to
provoke the excitation males formerly felt when gazing at the fatty deposits on
the buttocks.
13 Theorists supporting genital echo theory have noted that
swellings like those of chimpanzees and bonobos would interfere with
locomotion in a bipedal primate, so when our distant ancestors began walking
upright, they reason that some of the female’s fertility signaling moved from the
rear office, as it were, to the front showroom. In a bit of historical ping-pong, the
dictates of fashion have moved the swelling back and forth over the centuries
with high heels, Victorian bustles, and other derrière enhancements.
The visual similarity between these two bits of female anatomy has been
facilitated by the recent popularity of low-cut jeans that teasingly reveal the
nether cleavage. “The butt crack is the new cleavage,” writes journalist Janelle
Brown, “reclaimed to peek seductively from the pants of supermodels and
commoners alike…. It’s naughty and slightly tawdry,” she continues, “but with
the soft round charm of a perfect pair of breasts.”
14
If your moon is waning, you
can always don a “butt bra” from Bubbles Bodywear, which promises to create
the effect that’s been turning male heads since before men existed. Like the
Victorian bustle, the butt bra mimics the full curves of the ovulating chimp or
bonobo. Speaking of waning moons, it’s worth noting that unless her breasts are
artificially enhanced, as a woman’s fertility fades with age, so do her breasts—
further supporting the claim that they evolved to signal fertility.
Female bonobo. Photo: www.friendsofbonobos.org
Victorian bustle. Photo: Strawbridge & Clothier’s Quarterly (Winter 1885–86)
The Butt Bra. Photo: Sweet and Vicious LLC Company slogan: “Take Your Gluteus to the Maximus!”
Human females aren’t the only primates with fertility signals on their chests.
The Gelada baboon is another vertically oriented primate with sexual swellings
on the females’ chests. As we’d expect, the Gelada’s swellings come and go
with the females’ sexual receptivity. As the human female is potentially always
sexually receptive, her breasts are more or less always swollen, from sexual
maturity on.
15
But not all female primates have genital swellings that visually announce
their ovulatory status. Meredith Small reports that only fifty-four of the seventyeight species surveyed “experience easily seen morphological changes during
cycles,” and that half of these showed “only slight pinkness.” Once again, our
two closest primate cousins stand out from the pack in terms of their decidedly
indiscreet sexuality, being the only apes with such extravagant, brightly colored
sexual swellings.
The female chimp’s red-light district comes and goes, reflecting the waxing
and waning of her fertility, but as Small confirms, the bonobo’s “swellings never
change much, so that bonobo females always give a signal of fertility—much as
humans do.”
16
Although many theories claim the human female has “hidden ovulation,” it’s
not really hidden at all, if you know how and where to look. Martie Haselton and
her colleagues found that men shown photographs of the same thirty women—
some taken around ovulation and others not—were quite good at judging when
the women were “trying to look more attractive,” which in turn corresponded to
the women’s menstrual status. These authors found that women tend to dress
more fetchingly when they are more likely to be fertile. “Moreover,” writes
Haselton, “the closer women were to ovulation when photographed in the fertile
window, the more frequently their fertile photograph was chosen.”
17
Other researchers have found that men preferred women’s bodily smells near
ovulation and that women tend to behave more provocatively in various ways
when they’re likely to be fertile (they wear more jewelry and perfume, go out
more, are more likely to hook up for casual sexual encounters, and are less likely
to use condoms with new lovers).
Come Again?
Much as women’s breasts have fascinated evolution-minded theorists, the female
orgasm has confounded them. Like breasts, female orgasm is a major headscratcher for mainstream narratives of human sexual evolution. It’s not
necessary for conception, so why should it exist at all? For a long time, scientists
claimed that women were the only female animals to experience orgasm. But
once female biologists and primatologists arrived on the scene, it became
obvious that many female primates were having orgasms.
The underlying motivation for claiming that female orgasm was unique to
human beings probably lay in the role it played in the standard narrative.
According to this view, orgasm evolved in the human female to facilitate and
sustain the long-term pair bond at the heart of the nuclear family.
18 Once you’ve
swallowed that story, it becomes problematic to admit that the females of other
primate species are orgasmic, too. Your problem gets worse if the most orgasmic
species happen to be the most promiscuous as well, which appears to be the case.
As Alan Dixson writes, this monogamy-maintenance explanation for female
orgasm “seems far-fetched. After all,” he writes, “females of other primate
species, and particularly those with multimale–multifemale [promiscuous]
mating systems such as macaques and chimpanzees, exhibit orgasmic responses
in the absence of such bonding or the formation of stable family units.” On the
other hand, Dixson goes on to note, “Gibbons, which are primarily
monogamous, do not exhibit obvious signs of female orgasm.”
19 Although
Dixson classifies humans as mildly polygynous in his survey of primate
sexuality, he seems to have doubts, as when he writes, “One might argue that…
the female’s orgasm is rewarding, increases her willingness to copulate with a
variety of males rather than one partner, and thus promotes sperm
competition.”
20
Donald Symons and others have argued that “orgasm is most parsimoniously
interpreted as a potential all female mammals possess.” What helps realize this
“potential” in some human societies, argues Symons, are “techniques of foreplay
and intercourse [that] provide sufficiently intense and uninterrupted stimulation
for females to orgasm.”
21
In other words, Symons thinks women have more
orgasms than mares simply because men are better lovers than stallions. Stomp
your foot three times if you believe this.
In support of his theory, Symons cites studies like Kinsey’s showing that
fewer than half of women questioned (Americans in the 1950s) experienced
orgasm at least nine out of ten times they had intercourse, whereas in other
societies (he refers to Mangaia, in the South Pacific), elaborate and extended
sexual play result in nearly universal orgasm for women. “Orgasm,” Symons
concludes, “never is considered to be a spontaneous and inevitable occurrence
for females as it always is for males.” For Symons, Stephen Jay Gould, Elisabeth
Lloyd,
22 and others, some women have orgasms sometimes because all men do
every time. For them, the female orgasm is the equivalent of male nipples: a
structural echo without function in one sex of a trait vital in the other.
Given all the energy required to get there, it’s surprising that the female
reproductive tract is not a particularly welcoming place for sperm cells.
Researchers Robin Baker and Mark Bellis found that approximately 35 percent
of the sperm are ejected within half an hour of intercourse and those that remain
are anything but home free.
23 The female’s body perceives sperm as antigens
(foreign bodies) that are promptly attacked by anti-sperm leucocytes, which
outnumber sperm 100:1. Only one in 14 million ejaculated human sperm even
reach the oviduct.
24
In addition to the obstacles imposed by the female’s body,
even those lucky few sperm are going to run into competition from other males
(at least, if our model of human sexuality has any validity).
But while presenting obstacles to most sperm, the woman’s body can assist
others. There is striking evidence that the female reproductive system is capable
of making subtle judgments based upon the chemical signature of different
men’s sperm cells. These assessments may go well beyond general health to the
subtleties of immunological compatibility. The genetic compatibility of different
men with a given woman means that sperm quality is a relative characteristic.
Thus, as Anne Pusey explains, “Females may benefit from sampling many
males, and different females will not necessarily benefit from mating with the
same ‘high quality’ male.”
25
This is a crucially important point. Not every “high quality” male would be a
good match for any specific woman—even on a purely biological level. Because
of the complexities of how the two sets of parental DNA interact in fertilization,
a man who appears to be of superior mate value (square jaw, symmetrical body,
good job, firm handshake, Platinum AMEX card) may in fact be a poor genetic
match for a particular woman. So, a woman (and ultimately, her child) may
benefit by “sampling many males” and letting her body decide whose sperm
fertilizes her. Her body, in other words, might be better informed than her
conscious mind.
So, in terms of reproduction, the “fitness” of our prehistoric male ancestors
was not decided in the external social world, where conventional theories tell us
men competed for mates in struggles for status and material wealth. Rather,
paternity was determined in the inner world of the female reproductive tract
where every woman is equipped with mechanisms for choosing among potential
fathers at a cellular level. Remember this next time you read something like,
“The predisposition for influence, substance and prestige are all merely
expressions of a male positioning himself to acquire women with whom to
mate,” or, “Mate competition will involve contests over resources [men’s] wives
will need to raise children.”
26 This may well be the situation for most people
today, but our bodies suggest our ancestors faced an entirely different scenario.
Sperm competition is best understood not as a sprint to the egg, but a race over
hurdles. Aside from the anti-sperm leucocytes mentioned previously, anatomical
and physiological obstacles are in the vagina, cervix, and on the surface of the
ovum itself. The complexity of the human cervix suggests it evolved to filter the
sperm of various males. Concerning macaques (highly promiscuous monkeys)
and humans, Dixson writes: “In the genus Macaca, all species of which are
considered to have multimale-multifemale mating systems, the cervix is
especially complex in structure…. The evidence pertaining to human beings and
macaque females,” he continues, “indicates that the cervix acts both as a filtering
mechanism and as a temporary reservoir for spermatozoa during their migration
into the uterus.”
27 As with the complex penis and external testicles in the male,
the elaborate filtering design of the human cervix points toward promiscuity in
our ancestors.
The idea that female choice (conscious or not) can happen after or during
intercourse rather than as part of an elaborate precopulatory courtship ritual turns
the standard narrative inside out and upside down. If the female’s reproductive
system has evolved intricate mechanisms for filtering and rejecting the sperm
cells of some men while helping along those of a man who meets criteria of
which she may be utterly unaware, Darwin’s “coy female” starts looking like
what she is: an anachronistic male fantasy.
But Darwin may have suspected more than he let on concerning
postcopulatory mechanisms of sexual selection. Any discussion of human sexual
behavior or the evolutionary implications of our genital morphology would have
been extremely controversial in 1871, to put it mildly. Just imagine, as Dixson
does, “what would have occurred if The Descent of Man had included a detailed
exposition of the evolution of the penis and testes or descriptions of the various
copulatory postures and patterns employed by animals and human beings.”
28
No one can blame Darwin for opting not to include chapters on the evolution
of the penis and vagina in his already explosive work. But a century and a half is
a long time for discretion and cultural bias to keep smothering scientific fact. To
Meredith Small, the story of the female’s role in conception is a miniature of the
overall narrative. She sees the popular understanding of conception as “an
outdated allegory of human sexuality” featuring the male as “aggressor,
persuader, conqueror.” Recent research on human fertilization suggests
something of a role reversal. Small suggests the ovum “reaches out and envelops
reluctant sperm.” “Female biology,” she concludes, “even at the level of egg and
sperm interaction, doesn’t necessarily dictate a docile stance.”
29
In addition to enveloping eggs, a cervix that filters or favors sperm, and
vaginal contractions that may expel the sperm of one man while boosting that of
another, women’s orgasms provoke changes in vaginal acidity. These changes
appear to assist the sperm cells of the lucky guy who provoked the orgasm. The
environment at the cervical opening tends to be highly acidic and thus hostile to
sperm cells. The alkaline pH of semen protects the spermatozoa in this
environment for a while, but the protection is short-lived; most of the sperm cells
are viable within the vagina for only a few hours, so these changes in acidity
alter the vaginal environment in ways that can favor sperm that arrive with the
female’s orgasm.
The benefits may run both ways. Recent research suggests women who do
not use condoms are less likely to suffer from depression than either women who
do use condoms or who are not sexually active. Psychologist Gordon Gallup’s
initial survey of 293 women (data congruent with those from another survey still
to be published that included 700 women) found that women can develop a
“chemical dependency” on the boost they get from the testosterone, estrogen,
prostaglandins, and other hormones contained in semen. These chemicals enter
the woman’s bloodstream through the vaginal wall.
30
If it’s true that multiple mating was common in human evolution, the apparent
mismatch between the relatively quick male orgasmic response and the so-called
“delayed” female response makes sense (note how the female response is
“delayed” only if the male’s is assumed to be “right on time”). The male’s quick
orgasm lessens the chances of being interrupted by predators or other males
(survival of the quickest!), while the female and her child would benefit by
exercising some preconscious control over which spermatozoa would be most
likely to fertilize her ovum.
Prolactin and the other hormones released at orgasm appear to trigger very
different responses in men and women. While a man is likely to require a
prolonged refractory (or recovery) period immediately after an orgasm (and
maybe a sandwich and a beer as well), thus getting him out of the way of other
males, many women are willing and able to continue sexual activity well beyond
a “starter orgasm.”
It’s worth repeating that primate species with orgasmic females tend to be
promiscuous. Given the great variability of mating behavior—even just among
the apes—this is highly significant. While monogamous gibbons have rarely
been seen copulating, so infrequent and silent is their intercourse, female chimps
and bonobos go wild regularly and shamelessly. Females often mate with every
male they can find, copulating far more than is necessary for reproduction.
Goodall reported seeing one female at Gombe who mated fifty times in a single
day.
Echoing the Kama Sutra, Sherfey isn’t shy about the implications of this
mismatch of orgasmic capacity between human males and females, writing:
“The sexual hunger of the female, and her capacity for copulation completely
exceeds that of any male,” and, “To all intents and purposes, the human female
is sexually insatiable….” That may or may not be, but it cannot be denied that
the design of the human female’s reproductive system is far from what the
standard narrative predicts, and thus demands radical rethinking of the evolution
of female sexuality.
PART V
Men Are from Africa, Women Are from Africa
The sooner we accept the basic differences between men and women, the
sooner we can stop arguing about it and start having sex!
DR. STEPHEN T. COLBERT, D.F.A.
Permeating the standard narrative of human sexual evolution is the
depressing claim that men and women always have been and always will be
locked in erotic conflict. The War Between the Sexes is said to be built into
our evolved sexuality: men want lots of no-strings lovers, while women
want just a few partners, with as many strings as possible. If a man agrees
to be roped into a relationship, the narrative tells us, he’ll be hell-bent on
making sure his mate isn’t risking his genetic investment by accepting
deposits from other men, as it were.
Extreme as it sounds, this is no overstatement. In his classic 1972 paper
on “parental investment,” biologist Robert Trivers remarked, “One can, in
effect, treat the sexes as if they were different species, the opposite sex
being a resource relevant to producing maximum surviving offspring.” In
other words, men and women have such conflicting agendas when it comes
to reproduction that we are essentially predators of one another’s interests.
In The Moral Animal, Robert Wright laments, “A basic underlying dynamic
between men and women is mutual exploitation. They seem, at times,
designed to make each other miserable.”
1
Don’t believe it. We aren’t designed to make each other miserable. This
view holds evolution responsible for the mismatch between our evolved
predispositions and the post-agricultural socioeconomic world we find
ourselves in. The assertion that human beings are naturally monogamous is
not just a lie; it’s a lie most Western societies insist we keep telling each
other.
There’s no denying that men and women are different, but we’re hardly
different species or from different planets or designed to torment one
another. In fact, the interlocking nature of our differences testifies to our
profound mutuality. Let’s look at some of the ways in which male and
female erotic interests, perspectives, and capacities converge, intersect, and
overlap, showing how each of us is a fragment of a greater unity.
CHAPTER TWENTY
On Mona Lisa’s Mind
Do I contradict myself?
Very well then I contradict myself,
(I am large, I contain multitudes.)
WALT WHITMAN, Song of Myself
Faced with the mysteries of woman, Sigmund Freud, who seemed to have an
answer for everything else, came up empty. “Despite my thirty years of research
into the feminine soul,” he wrote, “I have not yet been able to answer…the great
question that has never been answered: what does a woman want?”
It’s no accident that what the BBC called “the most famous image in the
history of art” is a study of the inscrutable feminine created by a homosexual
male artist. For centuries, men have been wondering what Leonardo da Vinci’s
Mona Lisa was thinking. Is she smiling? Is she angry? Disappointed? Unwell?
Nauseated? Sad? Shy? Turned on? None of the above?
Probably closer to all of the above. Does she contradict herself? Very well,
then. The Mona Lisa is large. Like all women, but more—like all that is
feminine—she reflects every phase of the moon. She contains multitudes.
Our journey into a deeper understanding of the “feminine soul” begins in a
muddy field in the English countryside. In the early 1990s, neuroscientist Keith
Kendrick and his colleagues exchanged that season’s newborn sheep and goats
(the baby sheep were raised by adult goats, and vice versa). Upon reaching
sexual maturity a few years later, the animals were reunited with their own
species and their mating behavior was observed. The females adopted a love-theone-you’re-with approach, showing themselves willing to mate with males of
either species. But the males, even after being back with their own species for
three years, would mate only with the species with which they were raised.
1
Research like this suggests strong differences in degrees of “erotic
plasticity” (changeability) in the males and females of many species—including
ours.
2 The human female’s sexual behavior is typically far more malleable than
the male’s. Greater erotic plasticity leads most women to experience more
variation in their sexuality than men typically do, and women’s sexual behavior
is far more responsive to social pressure. This greater plasticity could manifest
through changes in whom a woman wants, in how much she wants
him/her/them, and in how she expresses her desire. Young males pass through a
brief period in which their sexuality is like hot wax waiting to be imprinted, but
the wax soon cools and solidifies, leaving the imprint for life. For females, the
wax appears to stay soft and malleable throughout their lives.
This greater erotic plasticity appears to manifest in women’s more holistic
responses to sexual imagery and thoughts. In 2006, psychologist Meredith
Chivers set up an experiment where she showed a variety of sexual videos to
men and women, both straight and gay. The videos included a wide range of
possible erotic configurations: man/woman, man/man, woman/woman, lone man
masturbating, lone woman masturbating, a muscular guy walking naked on a
beach, and a fit woman working out in the nude. To top it all off, she also
included a short film clip of bonobos mating.
3
While her subjects were being buffeted by this onslaught of varied eroticism,
they had a keypad where they could indicate how turned on they felt. In addition,
their genitals were wired up to plethysmographs. Isn’t that illegal? No, a
plethysmograph isn’t a torture device (or a dinosaur, for that matter). It measures
blood flow to the genitals, a surefire indicator that the body is getting ready for
love. Think of it as an erotic lie detector.
What did Chivers find? Gay or straight, the men were predictable. The
things that turned them on were what you’d expect. The straight guys responded
to anything involving naked women, but were left cold when only men were on
display. The gay guys were similarly consistent, though at 180 degrees. And
both straight and gay men indicated with the keypad what their genital blood
flow was saying. As it turns out, men can think with both heads at once, as long
as both are thinking the same thing.
The female subjects, on the other hand, were the very picture of
inscrutability. Regardless of sexual orientation, most of them had the
plethysmograph’s needle twitching over just about everything they saw. Whether
they were watching men with men, women with women, the guy on the beach,
the woman in the gym, or bonobos in the zoo, their genital blood was pumping.
But unlike the men, many of the women reported (via the keypad) that they
weren’t turned on. As Daniel Bergner reported on the study in The New York
Times, “With the women…mind and genitals seemed scarcely to belong to the
same person.”
4 Watching both the lesbians and the gay male couple, the straight
women’s vaginal blood flow indicated more arousal than they confessed on the
keypad. Watching good old-fashioned vanilla heterosexual couplings, everything
flipped and they claimed more arousal than their bodies indicated. Straight or
gay, the women reported almost no response to the hot bonobo-on-bonobo
action, though again, their bodily reactions suggested they kinda liked it.
This disconnect between what these women experienced on a physical level
and what they consciously registered is precisely what the theory of differential
erotic plasticity predicts. It could well be that the price of women’s greater erotic
flexibility is more difficulty in knowing—and, depending on what cultural
restrictions may be involved, in accepting—what they’re feeling. This is worth
keeping in mind when considering why so many women report lack of interest in
sex or difficulties in reaching orgasm.
*
If you aren’t confused already, consider that research psychiatrist Andrey
Anokhin and his colleagues found that erotic images elicit significantly quicker
and stronger response in women’s brains than either pleasant or frightening
images without erotic content. They showed 264 women a randomly ordered
collection of images ranging from snarling dogs to water skiers to semi-naked
couples getting hot and heavy. The women’s brains responded about 20 percent
faster to the erotic images than to any others. With men this eager
responsiveness was expected, but the results among the supposedly less visual,
less libidinous women surprised the researchers.
5
The female erotic brain is full of such surprises. Dutch researchers used
positron emission tomography (PET) to scan the brains of thirteen women and
eleven men in the throes of orgasm. While the brevity of the male orgasm made
reliable readings difficult to get, the heightened activity they found in the
secondary somatosensory cortex (associated with genital sensation) was what
they’d expected. But the women’s brains left the researchers befuddled. It seems
the female brain goes into standby mode at orgasm. What little increase in
cerebral activity the ladies’ brains exhibited was in the primary somatosensory
cortex, which registers the presence of sensation, but not much excitement about
it. “In women the primary feeling is there,” one of the researchers said, “but not
the marker that this is seen as a big deal. For males, the touch itself is allimportant. For females, it is not so important.”
6
Every woman knows her menstrual cycle can have profound effects on her
eroticism. Spanish researchers confirmed that women experience greater feelings
of attractiveness and desire around ovulation, while others have reported that
women find classically masculine faces more attractive around ovulation, opting
for less chiseled-looking guys when not fertile.
7 Since the birth control pill
affects the menstrual cycle, it’s not surprising that it may affect a woman’s
patterns of attraction as well. Scottish researcher Tony Little found women’s
assessment of men as potential husband material shifted if they were on the pill.
Little thinks the social consequences of his finding may be immense: “Where a
woman chooses her partner while she is on the Pill, and then comes off it to have
a child, her hormone-driven preferences have changed and she may find she is
married to the wrong kind of man.”
8
Little’s concern is not misplaced. In 1995, Swiss biological researcher Claus
Wedekind published the results of what is now known as the “Sweaty T-shirt
Experiment.” He asked women to sniff T-shirts men had been wearing for a few
days, with no perfumes, soaps, or showers. Wedekind found, and subsequent
research has confirmed, that most of the women were attracted to the scent of
men whose major histocompatibility complex (MHC) differed from her own.
9
This preference makes genetic sense in that the MHC indicates the range of
immunity to various pathogens. Children born of parents with different
immunities are likely to benefit from a broader, more robust immune response
themselves.
The problem is that women taking birth control pills don’t seem to show the
same responsiveness to these male scent cues. Women who were using birth
control pills chose men’s T-shirts randomly or, even worse, showed a preference
for men with similar immunity to their own.
10
Consider the implications. Many couples meet when the woman is on the
pill. They go out for a while, like each other a lot, and then decide to get together
and have a family. She goes off the pill, gets pregnant, and has a baby. But her
response to him changes. There’s something about him she finds irritating—
something she hadn’t noticed before. Maybe she finds him sexually unattractive,
and the distance between them grows. But her libido is fine. She gets flushed
every time she gets close enough to smell her tennis coach. Her body, no longer
silenced by the effects of the pill, may now be telling her that her husband (still
the great guy she married) isn’t a good genetic match for her. But it’s too late.
They blame it on the work pressure, the stress of parenthood, each other….
Because this couple inadvertently short-circuited an important test of
biological compatibility, their children may face significant health risks ranging
from reduced birth weight to impaired immune function.
11 How many couples in
this situation blame themselves for having “failed” somehow? How many
families are fractured by this common, tragic, undetected sequence of events?
12
Psychologist Richard Lippa teamed up with the BBC to survey over 200,000
people of all ages from all over the world concerning the strength of their sex
drive and how it affects their desires.
13 He found the same inversion of male and
female sexuality: for men, both gay and straight, higher sex drive increases the
specificity of their sexual desire. In other words, a straight guy with a higher sex
drive tends to be more focused on women, while higher sex drive in a gay guy
makes him more intent on men. But with women—at least nominally straight
women—the opposite occurs: the higher her sex drive, the more likely she’ll be
attracted to men and women. Lesbians showed the same pattern as men: a higher
sex drive means more women-only focus. Perhaps this explains why nearly
twice as many women as men consider themselves bisexual, while only half as
many consider themselves to be exclusively gay.
Those who claim this just means men are more likely to be repressing some
universal human bisexuality will have to consider sexologist Michael Bailey’s
fMRI scans of gay and straight men’s brains while they viewed pornographic
photos. They reacted as men tend to do: simply and directly. The gay guys liked
the photos showing men with men, while the straight guys were into the photos
featuring women. Bailey was looking for activation of the brain regions
associated with inhibition, to see whether his subjects were denying a bisexual
tendency. No dice. Neither gay nor straight men showed unusual activation of
these regions while viewing the photos. Other experiments using subliminal
images have generated similar results: gay men, straight men, and lesbians all
responded as predicted by their stated sexual orientation, while nominally
straight women (“I contain multitudes”) responded to just about everything. This
is just how we’re wired, not the result of repression or denial.
14
Of course, signs of repression aren’t hard to find in sex research. There’s
plenty. For example, one of the long-standing mysteries of human sexuality has
been that heterosexual men tend to report having more sexual encounters and
partners than heterosexual women do—a mathematical impossibility.
Psychologists Terry Fisher and Michele Alexander decided to take a closer look
at people’s claims regarding age of first sexual experience, number of partners,
and frequency of sexual encounters.
15 Fisher and Alexander set up three
different testing conditions:
1. The subjects were led to believe their answers might be seen by the
researchers waiting just outside the room.
2. The subjects could answer the questions privately and anonymously.
3. The subjects had electrodes placed on their hand, arm, and neck—believing
themselves (falsely) to be hooked up to a lie detector.
Women who thought their answers might be seen reported an average of 2.6
sexual partners (all the subjects were college students younger than twenty-five).
Those who thought their answers were anonymous reported 3.4 partners, while
those who thought their lies would be detected reported an average of 4.4
partners. So, while women admitted to 70 percent more sexual partners when
they thought they couldn’t fib, the men’s answers showed almost no variation.
Sex researchers, physicians, and psychologists (and parents) need to remember
that women’s answers to such questions may depend on when, where, and how
the question is asked, as well as who’s asking.
If it’s true that women’s sexuality is much more contextual than most men’s,
we might need to reconsider a lot of what we think we know about female
sexuality. In addition to the distortions created by the age bias we discussed
earlier (are twenty-year-olds representative?), how useful are the responses of
women answering questions in a cold classroom or laboratory setting? How
would our understanding of female sexuality be different if George Clooney
distributed the questionnaires by candlelight and collected them after a glass of
wine in the Jacuzzi?
Sexologist Lisa Diamond spent over a decade studying the ebb and flow of
female desire. In her book Sexual Fluidity, she reports that many women see
themselves as attracted to specific people, rather than to their gender. Women, in
Diamond’s view, respond so strongly to emotional intimacy that their innate
gender orientation can easily be overwhelmed. Chivers agrees: “Women
physically don’t seem to differentiate between genders in their sex responses, at
least heterosexual women don’t.”
Apparently, many women see the Mona Lisa looking back at them from the
mirror.
What are the practical effects of this crucial difference in erotic plasticity?
To start with, we’d expect to find far more transitory, situational bisexual
behavior among women than among men. Various studies of heterosexual
couples engaging in group sex or “swinging” agree that it is common for women
to have sex with other women in these situations but that men almost never
engage with men. Additionally, while we’d be the last to suggest popular culture
is a reliable indicator of innate human sexuality, it’s probably significant that
women kissing women has quickly become accepted as mainstream behavior
while depictions of men kissing each other on television or films remains
unusual and controversial. Most women presumably wake up the morning after
their first same-sex erotic experience more interested in finding some coffee than
in conducting a panicked reassessment of their sexual identity. The essence of
sexuality for most women seems to include the freedom to change as life
changes around them.
There is, after all, a liberating simplicity in Mona Lisa’s complexity, which
Freud seems to have missed. The answer to his question couldn’t be simpler, yet
it contains multitudes. What does woman want? It depends.
CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE
The Pervert’s Lament
Paraphilias are not universally present in human societies, their incidence
could be greatly reduced if tolerance and education in sexual matters were
more widespread. This is a most important but socially sensitive area of sex
research.
ALAN DIXSON
1
While many women are freed by their erotic flexibility, men can find themselves
trapped by the rigidity of their sexual response, like the male sheep and goats
mentioned earlier. Once determined, male eroticism tends to retain its contours
throughout life, like concrete that has set. Consequently, the theory of erotic
plasticity predicts that paraphilias (abnormal sexual desires and behaviors)
should be far more prevalent in men than in women who would presumably be
more responsive to social pressures and find it easier to abandon previous turnons or ignore unseemly urges. Nearly every source of evidence supports this
prediction. Most researchers and therapists agree that these unusual sexual
hungers are almost exclusively seen in males, appear to be related to early
imprinting, and are difficult, if not impossible, to alter once boyhood
impressions have hardened into adult yearnings.
Purely psychological treatment for paraphilias and pedophilia have shown
little success. The most effective treatments for the latter tend to be based upon
biological approaches (hormone therapy, chemical castration). Once beyond the
age of malleability, males seem to be stuck with whatever imprint they’ve
received, latex or leather, S or M, goat or lamb.
*
If the influences during this
“developmental window” are distorting and destructive, a boy may grow into a
man with an unalterable, nearly irresistible desire to reenact the same patterns
with others. The ritualized, widespread pedophilia in the Catholic Church
appears to be a prime example of this process (as does the Church’s centurieslong attempt to cover up the issue). Recall Schopenhauer’s famous quote,
“Mensch kann tun was er will; er kann aber nicht wollen was er will.” (One can
choose what to do, but not what to want.) Desire, particularly male desire, is
notoriously unresponsive to religious dictate, legal retribution, family pressure,
self-preservation, or common sense. It does respond to one thing, however:
testosterone.
A man who suffered a hormonal disorder that left him with almost no
testosterone for four months discussed his experience (anonymously) in a radio
interview. Without testosterone, he said, “Everything I identified as being me
[was lost]. My ambition, my interest in things, my sense of humor, the inflection
of my voice…. The introduction of testosterone returned everything.” Asked
whether there had been an upside to being testosterone-free, he said, “There
were things that I find offensive about my own personality that were
disconnected then. And it was nice to be without them…. I approached people
with a humility that I had never displayed before.” But overall, he was glad to
have it back, because, “When you have no testosterone, you have no desire.”
Griffin Hansbury, who was born female but underwent a sex change after
graduating from college, has another well-informed view of the powers of
testosterone. “The world just changes,” he said. “The most overwhelming
feeling was the incredible increase in libido and change in the way I perceived
women.” Before the hormone treatments, Hansbury said, an attractive woman in
the street would provoke an internal narrative: “She’s attractive. I’d like to meet
her.” But after the injections, no more narrative. Any attractive quality in a
woman, “nice ankles or something,” was enough to “flood my mind with
aggressive pornographic images, just one after another…. Everything I looked
at, everything I touched turned to sex.” He concluded, “I felt like a monster a lot
of the time. It made me understand men. It made me understand adolescent boys
a lot.”
2
It doesn’t take a sex-change operation to understand that many adolescent
boys have a frenzied focus on sex. If you’ve ever tried to teach a class containing
more than a few, or tried to raise one, or recall the turbulent desires yourself, you
know the phrase testosterone poisoning is not always used ironically. For most
adolescent boys, life often seems (and is) violent, hectic, and wild.
Countless studies confirm that testosterone and associated male sex
hormones are at high tide from puberty to a man’s mid-twenties. Here we have
another massive conflict between what society dictates and biology demands.
With every voice in a young man’s body screaming for SEX NOW, many
societies insist he ignore these incessant urgings and channel that energy into
other pursuits, ranging from sports to homework to military adventure.
3
As with other attempts to block the unignorable importations of biology, this
one has been a centuries-long disaster. Testosterone levels correlate to the
likelihood of a young man (or woman) getting into trouble.
4
In the United States,
adolescent males are five times more likely to kill themselves than females are.
Among Americans between fifteen and twenty-five, suicide is the third leading
cause of death, and teenage boys kill themselves at a rate double that of any
other demographic group. Adding to the sense that sexual repression underlies
this widespread despair, a government study found that homosexual youth are
two to three times more likely to attempt suicide than their heterosexual peers.
5
Well-intentioned websites and presentations rarely, if ever, mention gutwrenching, identity-clouding sexual frustration as a possible cause of some of
this destructive adolescent behavior. Despite the omnipresence of billboards and
bus stops featuring semi-naked barely pubescent fashion models, significant
parts of American society remain adamantly opposed to any suggestion that
sexual activity may commence before the law allows.
6
In 2003, seventeen-year-old honor student and homecoming king Genarlow
Wilson was caught having consensual oral sex with his girlfriend, who had not
yet turned sixteen. He was convicted of aggravated child molestation, sentenced
to a minimum of ten years in a Georgia prison, and forced to register as a sex
offender for life. If Wilson and his girlfriend had just enjoyed good oldfashioned intercourse, as opposed to oral sex, their “crime” would have been a
misdemeanor, punishable by a maximum of a year in prison and no sex-offender
status.
7
The previous year, Todd Senters videotaped consensual sex with his
girlfriend, who was over the age of consent. No problem, right? Wrong.
According to Nebraska state law, although the sex itself was perfectly legal,
taping it constituted “manufacturing child pornography.” The seventeen-year-old
was legally permitted to have sex, but images of her doing so are illegal. Go
figure.
Adolescents all over the country are getting into serious trouble for sexting
one another: snapping a risqué photo of themselves with their cell phone and
sending it to a friend. Turns out, in many states, these kids can be sent to prison
(where sexual abuse is rampant) for photographing their own bodies
(manufacturing child pornography) and sharing the photos (distributing child
pornography). They’re being forced to register as sex offenders despite the fact
that they themselves are the “victims” of their own “crimes.”
8
Just Say What?
A 2005 survey of 12,000 adolescents found that those who had pledged to
remain abstinent until marriage were more likely to have oral and anal sex than
other teens, less likely to use condoms, and just as likely to contract sexually
transmitted diseases as their unapologetically non-abstinent peers. The study’s
authors found that 88 percent of those who pledged abstinence admitted to
failing to keep their pledge.
9
If our distorted relationship with human sexuality is the source of much of
this frustration, confusion, and ignorance, societies with less conflicted views
should confirm the causal connection. Developmental neuropsychologist James
Prescott found that bodily pleasure and violence seem to have an either/or
relationship—the presence of one inhibits development of the other. In 1975,
Prescott published a paper in which he argued that “certain sensory experiences
during the formative periods of development will create a neuropsychological
predisposition for either violence-seeking or pleasure-seeking behaviors later in
life.” On the level of individual development, this finding seems obvious: adults
who abuse children were almost always victims of childhood abuse themselves,
and every junkyard owner knows that if you want a mean dog, beat the puppy.
Prescott applied this logic on a cross-cultural level. He performed a metaanalysis of previously gathered data on the amount of physical affection shown
to infants (years of breastfeeding, percentage of time in direct physical contact
with mother, being fondled and played with by other adults) and overall
tolerance for adolescent sexual behavior. After comparing these data with levels
of violence within and between societies, Prescott concluded that in all but one
of the cultures for which these data were available (forty-eight of forty-nine),
“deprivation of body pleasure throughout life—but particularly during the
formative periods of infancy, childhood, and adolescence—is very closely
related to the amount of warfare and interpersonal violence.” Cultures that don’t
interfere in the physical bonding between mother and child or prohibit the
expression of adolescent sexuality show far lower levels of violence—both
between individuals and between societies.
10
While American society twists itself into positions no yoga master could
hold (Britney Spears was a vocal virgin while pole-dancing in bikinis on TV?),
other societies ritualize and seek to structure adolescent sexuality in positive
ways. Mangaian youth are encouraged to have sex with one another, with
particular emphasis on the young men learning to control themselves and take
pride in the pleasure they can provide a woman. The Muria of central India set
up adolescent dormitories (called ghotuls), where adolescents are free to sleep
together, away from concerned parents. In the ghotul, the young people are
encouraged to experiment with different partners, as it’s considered unwise to
become too attached to a single partner at this phase of life.
11
If we accept that our species is and always has been optimized for a highly
sexual life and that adolescent boys are especially primed for action, why should
we be surprised by the explosions of destructive frustration that result from the
thwarting of this primal drive?
Kellogg’s Guide to Child Abuse
In 1879, Mark Twain gave a speech in which he observed, “Of all the forms of
intercourse, [masturbation] has the least to recommend it. As an amusement,” he
said, “it is too fleeting; as an occupation, it is too wearing; as a public exhibition,
there’s no money in it.”
12 Funny guy, Mark Twain. But there was a seriousness
in his humor, as well as courage. As Twain spoke, much of Western culture was
waging a bizarre, centuries-long war against any hint of childhood sexuality,
including masturbation.
The merciless campaign against masturbation was just one aspect of the
West’s long struggle against the “sinful” yearnings within human sexuality.
We’ve discussed the so-called witches burned alive for daring to assert or even
suggest their eroticism, and doctors like Isaac Baker Brown, who justified
barbaric, dangerous surgery as a cure for nascent nymphomania. These were not
exceptional cases, as Twain knew. Following the advice of such prominent
“experts” as John Harvey Kellogg, many parents of Twain’s day subjected their
children to brutal physical and mental abuse to stamp out any sign of sexuality.
Otherwise reasonable, if confused, people ardently believed that masturbation
truly was “the destroying element of civilized society,” in the words of the New
Orleans Medical & Surgical Journal.
Though widely considered to be one of the leading sex educators of his day,
Kellogg proudly claimed never to have had intercourse with his wife in over four
decades of marriage. But he did require a handsome male orderly to give him an
enema every morning—an indulgence his famously high-fiber breakfasts should
have made unnecessary. As John Money explains in his study of
pseudoscientific anti-sex crusaders, The Destroying Angel, Kellogg would
probably be diagnosed as a klismaphile today. Klismaphilia is “an anomaly of
sexual and erotic functioning traceable to childhood, in which an enema
substitutes for regular sexual intercourse. For the klismaphile,” writes Money,
“putting the penis in the vagina is experienced as hard work, dangerous, and
possibly as repulsive.”
As a medical doctor, Kellogg claimed the moral authority to instruct parents
on the proper sexual education of their children. If you’re unfamiliar with the
writings of Kellogg and others like him, their gloating disdain for basic human
eroticism is chilling and unmistakable. In his best-selling Plain Facts for Old
and Young (written on his sexless honeymoon in 1888), Kellogg offered parents
guidance for dealing with their sons’ natural erotic self-exploration in a section
entitled “Treatment for Self-Abuse and its Effects.” “A remedy which is almost
always successful in small boys,” he wrote, “is circumcision.” He stipulated that,
“The operation should be performed by a surgeon without administering an
anaesthetic, as the brief pain attending the operation will have a salutary effect
upon the mind, especially if it be connected with the idea of punishment….
[emphasis added]”
If circumcising a struggling, terrified boy without anesthesia wasn’t quite
what a parent had in mind, Kellogg recommended “the application of one or
more silver sutures in such a way as to prevent erection. The prepuce, or
foreskin, is drawn forward over the glans, and the needle to which the wire is
attached is passed through from one side to the other. After drawing the wire
through, the ends are twisted together and cut off close. It is now impossible for
an erection to occur….” Parents were assured that sewing their son’s penis into
its foreskin “acts as a most powerful means of overcoming the disposition to
resort to the practice [of masturbation].”
13
Circumcision remains prevalent in the United States, though varying greatly
by region, ranging from about 40 percent of newborns circumcised in western
states to about twice that in the Northeast.
14 This widespread procedure, rarely a
medical necessity, has its roots in the anti-masturbation campaigns of Kellogg
and his like-minded contemporaries. As Money explains, “Neonatal
circumcision crept into American delivery rooms in the 1870s and 1880s, not for
religious reasons and not for reasons of health or hygiene, as is commonly
supposed, but because of the claim that, later in life, it would prevent irritation
that would cause the boy to become a masturbator.”
15
Lest you think Kellogg was interested only in the sadistic torture of boys, in
the same book he soberly advises the application of carbolic acid to the clitorises
of little girls to teach them not to touch themselves. Kellogg and his like-minded
contemporaries demonstrate that sexual repression is a “malady that considers
itself the remedy,” to paraphrase Karl Kraus’s dismissal of psychoanalysis.
His smug satisfaction in tormenting children is striking and disturbing, but
Kellogg’s “no child left alone” policy is anything but unusual or limited to
ancient history. The anti-masturbation measures quoted above were published in
1888, but more than eighty years were to pass before the American Medical
Association declared, in 1972, “Masturbation is a normal part of adolescent
sexual development and requires no medical management.” But still, the war
continues. As recently as 1994, pediatrician Joycelyn Elders was forced from her
post as Surgeon General of the United States for simply asserting that
masturbation “is part of human sexuality.” The suffering caused by centuries of
war on masturbation is beyond calculation. But this we know: all the suffering,
every bit of it, was for nothing. Absolutely nothing.
John Harvey Kellogg, Anthony Comstock, and Sylvester Graham (inventor
of Graham crackers—like corn flakes, a food specifically designed to discourage
masturbation) were extreme in their grim campaigns against eroticism, but they
weren’t considered particularly eccentric at the time.
16 Recall that Darwin
probably had had little or no personal sexual experience when he married his
first cousin a month before his thirtieth birthday, and that Sigmund Freud—the
other towering giant of nineteenth-century sexual theory—was a self-proclaimed
thirty-year-old virgin when he married in 1886. No wonder Freud was hesitant
sexually. According to biographer Ernest Jones, Freud’s father had threatened to
cut off young Sigmund’s penis if he didn’t stop his obsessive masturbating.
17
The Curse of Calvin Coolidge
Last time I tried to make love to my wife nothing was happening. So I said
to her, “What’s the matter, you can’t think of anybody either?”
RODNEY DANGERFIELD
Men don’t care what’s on TV. They only care what else is on TV.
JERRY SEINFELD
There’s a story about President Calvin Coolidge and a chicken farm every
evolutionary psychologist knows by heart. It goes like this: The president and his
wife were visiting a commercial chicken farm in the 1920s. During the tour, the
first lady asked the farmer how he managed to produce so many fertile eggs with
only a few roosters. The farmer proudly explained that his roosters happily
performed their duty dozens of times each day. “Perhaps you could mention that
to the president,” replied the first lady. Overhearing the remark, President
Coolidge asked the farmer, “Does each cock service the same hen each time?”
“Oh no,” replied the farmer, “he always changes from one hen to another.” “I
see,” replied the president. “Perhaps you could point that out to Mrs. Coolidge.”
Whether the story is historically factual or not, the invigorating effect of a
variety of sexual partners has become known as “the Coolidge effect.” While
there’s little doubt that the females of some primate species (including our own)
are also intrigued by sexual novelty, the underlying mechanism appears to be
different for them. Thus the Coolidge effect generally refers to male mammals,
where it’s been documented in many species.
18
But that doesn’t mean women’s only motivation for sex is relational, as is
often argued. Psychologists Joey Sprague and David Quadagno surveyed women
from twenty-two to fifty-seven years of age and found that among those under
thirty-five, 61 percent of the women said their primary motivation for sex was
emotional, rather than physical. But among those over thirty-five, only 38
percent claimed their emotional motivations were stronger than the physical
hunger for contact.
19 At face value, such results suggest women’s motivations
change with age. Or one could also argue that this effect could simply reflect
women becoming less apologetic as they mature.
First-time travelers to Istanbul, Bali, Gambia, Thailand, or Jamaica may be
surprised to see thousands of middle-aged women from Europe and the United
States who flock to these places in search of no-strings sexual attention. An
estimated eighty thousand women fly to Jamaica looking to “Rent a Rasta” every
year.
20 The number of female Japanese visitors to the Thai island resort Phuket
jumped from fewer than four thousand in 1990 to ten times that just four years
later, outnumbering male Japanese tourists significantly. Chartered jets carrying
nothing but Japanese women land in Bangkok every week, if not daily.
In her book Romance on the Road, Jeannette Belliveau catalogs dozens of
destinations frequented by such women. That this sort of behavior would seem
unbelievable and embarrassing to most of the young American women filling
out questionnaires for their psychology professors is both result and cause of a
more general scientific and cultural blindness to the true contours of female
sexuality.
Of course, there are plenty of men looking for sexual variety on the beaches
of Thailand as well, but since that just supports the standard narrative, it seems
unimportant. Until it becomes very important.
That tiger ain’t go crazy; that tiger went tiger! You know when he was
really crazy? When he was riding around on a unicycle with a Hitler helmet
on!
CHRIS ROCK, talking about a circus tiger that attacked a trainer
By temperament, which is the real law of God, many men are goats and
can’t help committing adultery when they get a chance; whereas there are
numbers of men who, by temperament, can keep their purity and let an
opportunity go by if the woman lacks in attractiveness.
MARK TWAIN, Letters from the Earth
A man we know—we’ll call him Phil—could be considered a living icon of
male achievement.
*
In his early forties, handsome, he’s been married to Helen, a
gorgeous, accomplished physician, for almost twenty years. They have three
brilliant, beautiful daughters. Phil and a friend started a small software business
in their late twenties and now, fifteen years later, they’ve both got more money
than they’ll ever be able to spend. Until recently, Phil lived in a big, beautiful
house on a hill overlooking a wooded valley. But Phil’s life was, as he puts it, “a
disaster waiting to happen.”
Disaster struck when Helen discovered the affair he’d been having with a
work colleague. Unsurprisingly, she felt deeply betrayed and expressed her
outrage by locking him out of the house, refusing even to let him see their
children until the lawyers had finished their dismal task. Phil’s seemingly perfect
life came crashing down around him.
Comedian Chris Rock said, “A man is basically as faithful as his options.”
Phil’s professional success, good looks, and charming personality generated a
constant stream of sexual opportunity. Many male readers are probably thinking,
“Of course he was sleeping with another woman—or two! Come on!” But if
you’re a woman, you may be thinking, “Of course his wife and daughters locked
the pig out!”
Is there any way to reconcile these two opposed perspectives on this all-toocommon situation? What could possibly motivate so many men who are
otherwise demonstrably intelligent, loving, and cautious to risk so much for so
little? Everything from the respect of their friends to the love of their children
can be lost in the quest for something as transitory and ultimately meaningless as
a casual sexual encounter. What are they thinking? We asked Phil.
“At first,” he said, “the sex was fantastic. I hadn’t felt so alive in years. I
thought I was in love with Monica [the other woman]. When I was with her, it
was like everything was stronger, you know? Food tasted better, colors were
richer, I had so much more energy. I felt high all the time.”
When we asked if the sex he had with Monica was better than it had been
with Helen, Phil paused for a long moment. “Actually,” he admitted, “now that I
think about it, sex with Helen was much better—the best I’ve ever had, really—
at the beginning, you know, those first few years. I mean, with Helen it was
never just sex. We both knew we wanted to spend our lives together, so there
was a depth and, and, well, a love and spiritual connection I’ve never had with
anyone else…. Even though Helen says she hates me now, I honestly believe
we’ll always have that connection—even if she won’t admit it.”
So what happened? “Over the years…you know how it is…the passion
faded and our relationship changed. We became friends…best friends, but still…
siblings, almost. It’s not her fault. I know this is all my fault, but what can I do?”
His eyes tearing up, he said, “It felt like a life-or-death situation. I wanted to feel
alive again. I know how ridiculous that sounds, but that’s how it felt.”
Phil is at a prime age for the so-called midlife crisis that seems to hit many
men around this stage of their lives. Explanations are easy to come by, ranging
from economics (he finally has enough money and status to be attractive to the
sort of sexy young women who had ignored him previously) to existential dread
(he’s coming to terms with his own mortality by lashing out symbolically against
his own impending aging and death) to the wife’s life cycle (she’s nearing
menopause, so he’s biologically driven toward the fertility of younger women).
Each of these may have some measure of truth, but none answers the most
pressing question: Why do men have such overwhelming hunger for variety in
their sexual partners—not just at midlife, but always?
If the ghost of Calvin Coolidge weren’t haunting him, a man would simply
buy a DVD or two of his favorite porn actress and watch it over and over the rest
of his life. Knowing how the movie ends is hardly going to ruin the experience
for him. No, what makes heterosexual men seek a constant stream of different
women doing the same old things is the Coolidge effect. If you’ve never been to
a porn gateway website, you’ll be astounded by the variety and specificity of the
offerings there: everything from “unshaved Japanese lesbians” to “tattooed
redheads” to “overweight older gals.” It’s a simple, unavoidable truth almost
everyone knows to be true but few dare to discuss: variety and change are the
necessary spice of the sex life of the human male.
But an intellectual understanding of this aspect of most men’s inner reality
doesn’t make accepting it any easier for many women. Writer and film director
Nora Ephron has explored these issues in many of her films, including
Heartburn, which was based on her own failed marriage. In a 2009 interview she
explained how raising two sons had informed her view of men: “Boys are so
sweet,” she said. “But the problem with men is not whether they’re nice or not.
It’s that it’s hard for them at a certain point in their lives to stay true. It just is.
It’s almost not their fault.” But then she added, “It feels like it’s their fault if you
are involved with any of them.”
21
The Perils of Monotomy (Monogamy + Monotony)
The prerequisite for a good marriage, it seems to me, is the license to be
unfaithful.
CARL JUNG, in a letter to Freud dated January 30, 1910
Remember what Phil said about how sex with his wife had grown overly
familiar, how he’d come to feel he and Helen were “siblings, almost”?
Interesting word choice. The strongest explanation for the prevalence and
intensity of the Coolidge effect among social mammals is that the male drive for
sexual variety is evolution’s way of avoiding incest. Our species evolved on a
sparsely populated planet—never more than a few million and probably fewer
than 100,000 of us on Earth for most of our evolutionary past. To avoid the
genetic stagnation that would have dragged our ancestors into extinction long
ago, males evolved a strong appetite for sexual novelty and a robust aversion to
the overly familiar. While this carrot-and-stick mechanism worked well to
promote genetic diversity in the prehistoric environment, it’s causing lots of
problems now. When a couple have been living together for years, when they’ve
become family, this ancient anti-incest mechanism can effectively block
eroticism for many men, leading to confusion and hurt feelings all around.
22
Earlier, we discussed how men’s testosterone levels recede over the years,
but it’s not just the passing of time that brings these levels down: monogamy
itself seems to drain away a man’s testosterone. Married men consistently show
lower levels of the hormone than single men of the same age; fathers of young
children, even less. Men who are particularly responsive to infants show declines
of 30 percent or more right after their child is born. Married men having affairs,
however, were found to have higher testosterone levels than those who
weren’t.
23 Additionally, most of the men having affairs have told researchers
they were actually quite happy in their marriages, while only one-third of
women having affairs felt that way.
24
Of course, sharp-thinking readers will point out that these correlations don’t
imply causation: maybe men with higher levels of testosterone simply seek more
affairs. Probably so, but there is good reason to believe that even casual contact
with novel, attractive women can have a tonic effect on men’s hormonal health.
In fact, researcher James Roney and his colleagues found that even a brief chat
with an attractive woman raised men’s testosterone levels by an average of 14
percent. When these same men spent a few minutes talking with other men, their
testosterone level fell by 2 percent.
25
In the 1960s, anthropologist William Davenport lived among a group of
Melanesian islanders who regarded sex as natural and uncomplicated. All the
women claimed to be highly orgasmic, with most reporting several orgasms to
each of her partner’s one. Nevertheless, reported Davenport, “it is assumed that
after a few years of marriage, the husband’s interest in his wife will begin to
pale.” Until the recent imposition of colonial laws stopped the practice, these
Melanesians avoided monotomy by allowing married men to have young lovers.
Rather than being jealous of these concubines, wives regarded them as status
symbols, and Davenport claimed that both men and women regarded the loss of
this practice the worst result of contact with European culture. “Older men often
comment today that without young women to excite them and without the
variety once provided by changing concubines, they have become sexually
inactive long before their time.”
26
Closer to home, William Masters and Virginia Johnson reported that “loss of
coital interest engendered by monotony in a sexual relationship is probably the
most constant factor in the loss of an aging male’s interest in sexual performance
with his partner.” They note that this loss of interest can frequently be reversed if
the man has a younger lover—even if the lover is not as attractive or sexually
skilled as the man’s wife. Kinsey concurred, writing, “There seems to be no
question but that the human male would be promiscuous in his choice of sexual
partners throughout the whole of his life if there were no social restrictions.”
27
For most men and many women, sexual monogamy leads inexorably to
monotomy. It’s important to understand this process has nothing to do with the
attractiveness of the long-term partner or the depth and sincerity of the love felt
for him or her. Indeed, quoting Symons, “A man’s sexual desire for a woman to
whom he is not married is largely the result of her not being his wife.”
28 Novelty
itself is the attraction. Though they’re unlikely to admit it, the long-term partners
of the sexiest Hollywood starlets are subject to the same psychosexual process.
Frustrating? Unfair? Infuriating? Humiliating on both sides? Yes, yes, yes, and
yes. But still, true.
What to do about it? Most modern couples aren’t as flexible about tolerating
a variety of sexual partners as the Melanesians and many of the societies we
surveyed in earlier chapters. After reviewing the broad literature on Western
marriage, sociologist Jessie Bernard argued in the early 1970s that increasing
men’s opportunities for sexually novel partners was one of the most important
social changes required in Western societies to promote marital happiness.
29 But
this hasn’t happened yet and seems even less likely now, almost four decades
later. Maybe this is why some twenty million American marriages can be
categorized as no-sex or low-sex due to the man’s loss of sexual interest.
According to the authors of He’s Just Not Up for It Anymore, 15 to 20 percent of
American couples have sex fewer than ten times per year. They note that the
absence of sexual desire is the most common sexual problem in the country.
30
Combine these dismal numbers with the 50 percent of all marriages that end in
divorce, and it’s clear that modern marriage is suffering a soft-core meltdown.
In The Evolution of Human Sexuality, the ever-quotable Donald Symons
pointed out that Western societies have tried every trick in the book to change
this aspect of male sexuality, but all have failed miserably: “Human males seem
to be so constituted that they resist learning not to desire variety,” he wrote,
“despite impediments such as Christianity and the doctrine of sin; Judaism and
the doctrine of mensch; social science and the doctrines of repressed
homosexuality and psychosexual immaturity; evolutionary theories of
monogamous pair-bonding; cultural and legal traditions that support and glorify
monogamy.”
31 Need we supplement Symons’s thoughts with a list of specific
examples of men (presidents, governors, senators, athletes, musicians) who have
squandered family and fortune, power and prestige—all for an encounter with a
woman whose principal attraction was her novelty? Need we remind female
readers of the men in their past who seemed so smitten at first, but mysteriously
stopped calling once the thrill of novelty had faded?
A Few More Reasons I Need Somebody New (Just Like You)
Making love with a woman and sleeping with a woman are two separate
passions, not merely different but opposite. Love does not make itself felt in
the desire for copulation (a desire that extends to an infinite number of
women) but in the desire for shared sleep (a desire limited to one woman).
MILAN KUNDERA, The Unbearable Lightness of Being
Remember how Phil said he felt “high” when he was with his new lover?
“Colors were richer, food tasted better.” There’s a reason for this intensification
of sensation, but it’s not love. As their testosterone levels decline with age, many
men experience a diminishment of energy and libido, an intangible distance from
the basic pleasures of life. Most attribute this blurred distance to stress, lack of
sleep, or too much responsibility, or they just chalk it up to the passage of time.
True enough, but some of this numbing could be due to ebbing testosterone
levels. Recall the man who had no testosterone for a while. He felt he’d lost
“everything I identify as being me.” His ambition, passion for life, sense of
humor…all gone. Until testosterone brought it all back. Without the testosterone,
he said, “you have no desire.”
Phil thought he was in love. Of course he did. As suggested above, one of
the few things that reliably revives a male’s sagging testosterone levels is a
novel lover.
32 So he felt all the things we associate with love: renewed vitality, a
new depth and intensification—a giddy thrill at being alive. How easily we
mistake this potent mix of feelings for “love.” But a hormonal response to
novelty isn’t love.
How many men have mistaken this hormone high for a life-altering spiritual
union? How many women have been blindsided by a good man’s seemingly
inexplicable betrayal? How many families have been ripped apart because
middle-aged men misinterpreted the surge of vitality and energy resulting from a
novel sexual partner as love for a soul mate—or convinced themselves they were
in love to justify what felt like a life-affirming necessity? And how many of
these men then found themselves isolated, shamed, and devastated when the
curse of Coolidge returned after a few months or years to reveal that the nowfamiliar partner was not, in fact, the true source of those feelings after all? No
one knows the number, but it’s a big one.
This common situation is heavy with tragedy, but one of the most painful
aspects may be that many of these men will realize that the woman they left
behind was a far better match than the one they left her for. Once the transitory
thrill passes, these men are left once again with the realities of what makes a
relationship work over the long run: respect, admiration, convergent interests,
good conversation, sense of humor, and so on. A marriage built upon sexual
passion alone has as much chance of enduring as a house built on winter ice.
Only by arriving at a more nuanced understanding of the nature of human
sexuality will we learn to make smarter decisions about our long-term
commitments. But this understanding requires us to face some uncomfortable
facts.
Like many men in the same situation, Phil said he felt as if he faced a “life or
death” decision. Maybe he did. Researchers have found that men with lower
levels of testosterone are more than four times as likely to suffer from clinical
depression, fatal heart attacks, and cancer when compared to other men their age
with higher testosterone levels. They are also more likely to develop
Alzheimer’s disease and other forms of dementia, and have a far greater risk of
dying prematurely from any cause (ranging from 88 to 250 percent higher,
depending on the study).
33
If it’s true that most men are constituted, by millions of years of evolution, to
need occasional novel partners to maintain an active and vital sexuality
throughout their lives, then what are we saying to men when we demand lifetime
sexual monogamy? Must they choose between familial love and long-term
sexual fulfillment? Most men don’t fully appreciate the conflict between the
demands of society and those of their own biology until they’ve been married for
years—plenty of time for life to have grown very complicated, with children,
joint property, mutual friends, and the sort of love and friendship only shared
history can bring. When they arrive at the crisis point, where domesticity and
declining testosterone levels have drained the color from life, what to do?
The options most men see before them seem to be:
1. Lie and try not to get caught. While this option may be the most
commonly chosen, it may also be the worst. How many men think they have an
“unspoken agreement” with their wife that, as long as she doesn’t find out about
it, it’s okay for him to have a casual relationship on the side? This is like saying
you have an unspoken agreement with the police that it’s okay to drive drunk—
as long as they don’t catch you. Even if there is some understanding along these
lines, any lawyer will tell you that unspoken agreements are the worst possible
foundation for any long-term partnership.
A. Gentlemen, you are going to get caught sooner or later (probably
sooner). You have as much chance of getting away with this as a dog
has of following a cat up a tree. Ain’t gonna happen. One reason: most
women’s sense of smell is significantly better than most men’s, so
there’s probably going to be evidence you can’t even sense, but that
she’ll pick up on. Need we even mention the much-vaunted powers of
female intuition?
B. This requires you to lie to your partner in life. To deceive the
mother of your children, the person you were hoping to grow old with.
Is this really who you are? Is this the man she chose to share her life
with?
2. Give up on having sex with anyone other than your wife for the rest of
your life. Maybe resort to porn and Prozac.
A. Antidepressants are the most prescribed drug in the United States,
with 118 million prescriptions written in 2005 alone. One of the most
prominent side effects of these drugs is the dampening of libido, so
maybe the whole issue will just fade away—chemical castration. If not,
there’s always Viagra, with well over a billion tablets doled out in the
decade since it was introduced in 1998. But Viagra creates blood flow,
not desire. Now men can fake sexual interest too. Progress?
B. It’s not the same, is it? And isn’t there something humiliating (not
to say emasculating) about sneaking off at night to look at porn on your
computer? This course often leads to serious anger and resentment that
can destroy a relationship.
3. Serial monogamy: divorce and start over. This option seems to be the
“honest” approach recommended by most experts—including many relationship
counselors.
A. Serial monogamy is a symptomatic response to the issues posed
by the conflict between what society dictates and what biology demands.
It solves nothing in terms of snowballing male (and thus, female) sexual
frustration in long-term sexually monogamous relationships.
B. Though often presented as the honorable response to the
conundrum, the serial monogamy cop-out has led directly to the current
epidemic of broken homes and single-parent families. How is it “adult”
to inflict emotional trauma on our children because we’re unable to face
the truth about sex? Susan Squire, author of I Don’t: A Contrarian
History of Marriage, asks: “Why does society consider it more moral for
you to break up a marriage, go through a divorce, disrupt your children’s
lives maybe forever, just to be able to fuck someone with whom the
fucking is going to get just as boring as it was with the first person
before long?”
34 A man who pursues long-term happiness by leaving
behind a string of hurt, embittered women and emotionally wounded
children is little more than a dog chasing tail—his own.
And if you’re a woman whose husband is “cheating,” your options are no
better: pretend you don’t notice what’s going on, go out and have your own
revenge affair (even if you don’t feel like it), or destroy your own family and
marriage by calling in the lawyers. These are all losing scenarios.
Even the term we use to describe this betrayal of self and family, “cheating,”
echoes the standard narrative of human sexuality in its implication that marriage
is a game that one player can win at the expense of the other. The woman who
“tricks” a man into supporting children he thinks are his has, according to this
model, cheated—and won. Another big winner, according to the standard
narrative, is the “baby-daddy” who manages to impregnate a string of women
who then raise his children while he’s already on to his next conquest. But in any
true partnership—married or not—cheating cannot lead to any sort of victory.
It’s win-win or everybody loses.
CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO
Confronting the Sky Together
Love is not breathlessness, it is not excitement, it is not the promulgation of
promises of eternal passion. That is just being “in love” which any of us
can convince ourselves we are. Love itself is what is left over when being in
love has burned away…
—Louis de Bernières, Correlli’s Mandolin
There is a cost…for the society that insists on conformity to a particular
range of heterosexual practices. We believe that cultures can be rationally
designed. We can teach and reward and coerce. But in so doing we must
also consider the price of each culture, measured in the time and energy
required for training and enforcement and in the less tangible currency of
human happiness that must be spent to circumvent our innate
predispositions.
E. O. WILSON
1
So now what? Having written this whole book about sex, we’d like to
confusingly suggest that most of us take sex way too seriously: when it’s just
sex, that’s all it is. In such cases, it’s not love. Or sin. Or pathology. Or a good
reason to destroy an otherwise happy family.
Like the Victorians, most contemporary Western societies inflate the
inherent value of sex by restricting supply (“Good girls don’t”) and inflating
demand (Girls Gone Wild). This process leads to a distorted vision of just how
important sex actually is. Yes, sex is essential, but it’s not something that must
always be taken so seriously. Think of food, water, oxygen, shelter, and all the
other elements of life crucial to survival and happiness but that don’t figure in
our day-to-day thinking unless they become unavailable. A reasonable relaxation
of moralistic social codes making sexual satisfaction more easily available
would also make it less problematic.
This appears to be the overall trajectory of history. While many are
perplexed and disturbed by the “hooking up” culture, the sexting of racy images
back and forth, full recognition of all legal rights for gay male and lesbian
couples, and so on, there’s not much they can do to stop any of it for long. In
terms of sexuality, history appears to be flowing back toward a hunter-gatherer
casualness. If so, future generations may suffer fewer pathological
manifestations of sexual frustration and unnecessarily fractured families.
Concerning the Siriono, with whom he lived, Holmberg writes, “The Siriono
rarely, if ever, lack for sexual partners. Whenever the sex drive is up, there is
almost always an available partner willing to reduce it…. Sex anxiety seems to
be remarkably low in Siriono society. Such manifestations as excessive
indulgence, continence, or sex dreams and fantasies are rarely encountered.”
2
How would it feel to live in such a world? Well, we all know how it feels to
live in this one. Apart from death itself, what causes as much human misery as
the ongoing demise of marriage? In 2008, almost 40 percent of the mothers who
gave birth in the United States were unmarried. This matters. As reported
recently in Time, “On every single significant outcome related to short-term
well-being and long-term success, children from intact, two-parent families
outperform those from single-parent households. Longevity, drug abuse, school
performance and dropout rates, teen pregnancy, criminal behavior and
incarceration…in all cases, the kids living with both parents drastically
outperform the others.”
3
“Love is an ideal thing, marriage a real thing,” observed German
philosopher Johann Wolfgang von Goethe. “A confusion of the real with the
ideal never goes unpunished.” Indeed. By insisting upon an ideal vision of
marriage founded upon a lifetime of sexual fidelity to one person—a vision most
of us eventually learn is highly unrealistic, we invite punishment upon ourselves,
upon each other, and upon our children.
“The French are much more comfortable with the idea that their affair
partner is just that—an affair partner,” writes Pamela Druckerman in her crosscultural look at infidelity, Lust in Translation. Understanding that love and sex
are different things, Druckerman says the French feel less need to “complain
about their marriage to legitimize the affair in the first place.” But she found that
Americans and British couples seemed to be reading from an entirely different
script. “An affair, even a one-night stand, means a marriage is over,”
Druckerman observed. “I spoke to women who, on discovering that their
husbands had cheated, immediately packed a bag and left, because ‘that’s what
you do.’ Not because that’s what they wanted to do—they just thought that was
the rule. They didn’t even seem to realize there were other options…. I mean,
really, like they’re reading from a script!”
4
Psychologist Julian Jaynes described the commingling of terror and
exhilaration one experiences upon realizing that things are not as they’d seemed:
“There is an awkward moment at the top of a Ferris wheel when, having come
up the inside curvature, where we are facing into a firm structure of confident
girders, suddenly that structure disappears, and we are thrust out into the sky for
the outward curve down.”
5 This is the moment too many couples struggle in vain
to avoid or ignore—even to the point of choosing bitter divorce and fractured
family over the daunting task of confronting the sky together, with all the
“confident girders” behind them in the past.
The false expectations we hold about ourselves, each other, and human
sexuality do us serious, lasting harm. As author and sex advice columnist Dan
Savage explains, “The expectation of lifelong monogamy places an incredible
strain on a marriage. But our concept of love and marriage has as its foundation
not only the expectation of monogamy but the idea that where there’s love,
monogamy should be easy and joyful.”
6
To be sure, toe-curlingly passionate sex can be an important part of marital
intimacy, but it is a grave mistake to think it’s the essence of long-term intimacy.
Like every other kind of hunger, sexual desire tends to be smothered by its
satisfaction. Squire says that thinking of marriage as an enduring romance is
unrealistic: “It’s not like you want to rip your clothes off with somebody that
you’re sleeping with for the thousandth time. We should know going into it that
the nature of love and sex changes from what it begins as, and that a great love
affair doesn’t necessarily make a great marriage.”
7 High-libido sex can just as
easily be an expression of the utter absence of intimacy: consider the notorious
one-night stand, the prostitute, basic physical release.
Couples might find that the only route to preserving or rediscovering
intensity reminiscent of their early days and nights requires confronting the
open, uncertain sky together. They may find themselves having their most
meaningful, intimate conversations if they dare to talk about the true nature of
their feelings. We don’t mean to suggest these will be easy conversations. They
won’t be. There are zones where it’s always going to be difficult for men and
women to understand one another, and sexual desire is one of them. Many
women will find it difficult to accept that men can so easily dissociate sexual
pleasure from emotional intimacy, just as many men will struggle to understand
why these two obviously separate (to them) issues are often so intertwined for
many women.
But with trust, we can strive to accept even what we cannot understand. One
of the most important hopes we have for this book is to provoke the sorts of
conversations that make it a bit easier for couples to make their way across this
difficult emotional terrain together, with a deeper, less judgmental understanding
of the ancient roots of these inconvenient feelings and a more informed, mature
approach to dealing with them. Other than that, we really have little helpful
advice to offer. Every relationship is a constantly changing world that requires
specific attention. Other than warning you to be wary of those who offer onesize-fits-all relationship advice, our best counsel echoes that of Polonius to
Laertes (in Hamlet): “To thine own self be true, and it must follow, as the night
the day, thou canst not then be false to any man [or woman].”
Still, it will take more than a deeper understanding of ourselves and each other to
fully address the many issues raised by a more relaxed and tolerant approach to
fidelity. “The people I feel sorry for are the ones who don’t even realize they
have any other choices beyond the traditional options society presents,” says
Scott, who is a member of a long-term triad relationship with Terisa (a woman)
who is also involved with Larry (whom Scott introduced to Terisa). While such
three-or four-person committed relationships have, by necessity, flown under the
radar until recently, so-called polyamorous families are thought to number about
half a million in the United States, according to an article in Newsweek.
8
Although Helen Fisher thinks people involved in such configurations are
“fighting Mother Nature” by trying to confront their insecurities and jealousy
head-on, there is plenty of evidence that, for the right people, such arrangements
can work out very well for all concerned—even the kids.
As Sarah Hrdy reminds us, conventional couples struggling to raise a family
in isolation might be the ones fighting Mother Nature: “Since Darwin,” she
writes, “we have assumed that humans evolved in families where a mother relied
on one male to help her rear her young in a nuclear family; yet…the diversity of
human family arrangements…is better predicted by assuming that our ancestors
evolved as cooperative breeders.”
9 From our perspective, people like Scott,
Larry, and Terisa appear to be trying to replicate ancient human socio-sexual
configurations. As we’ve seen, from a child’s perspective, having more than two
stable, loving adults around can be enriching, whether in Africa, the Amazon,
China, or suburban Colorado. Laird Harrison recently wrote about his experience
growing up in a house his biological parents shared with another couple and
their children. He recalled, “The communal household enjoyed a kind of
camaraderie I have never felt since…. I swapped books with my stepsisters,
listened in awe to their stories of crushes, exchanged tips on teachers. Their
father imparted his love of great music and their mother her passion for cooking.
A sort of bond formed among the 10 of us.”
10
Everybody Out of the Closet
An era can be considered over when its basic illusions have been
exhausted.
ARTHUR MILLER
Much of recent history can be seen as waves of tolerance and acceptance
breaking against the rocky headlands of rigid social structures. Though it can
seem to take almost forever, the waves always win in the end, reducing
immobile rock to shifting sand. The twentieth century saw the headlands
beginning to crumble under surges of anti-slavery movements, women’s rights,
racial equality, and, more recently, the steadily growing acceptance of the rights
of gay, lesbian, transgender, and bisexual people.
Author Andrew Sullivan described his experience growing up both gay and
Catholic as “difficult to the point of agony. I saw in my own life and those of
countless others,” Sullivan recalled, “that the suppression of these core emotions
and the denial of their resolution in love always always leads to personal
distortion and compulsion and loss of perspective. Forcing…people into molds
they do not fit helps no one,” Sullivan wrote. “It robs them of dignity and selfworth and the capacity for healthy relationships. It wrecks family, twists
Christianity, violates humanity. It must end.”
11 Sullivan’s comments were
provoked by the twisted collapse of the publicly homophobic but privately
homosexual televangelist Ted Haggard, but he could have been speaking for
anyone who doesn’t fit the socially sanctioned mold of his or her day.
And who does fit this mold? Yes, self-hating gay televangelists and
politicians need to come out of the closet, but so does everyone else.
It won’t be easy. It’s never easy to stand up to shame-fueled anger. Historian
Robert S. McElvaine previews some of the shrill denunciation awaiting those
who may dare to wander from the monogamous fold, declaring, “Free love is
likely to degenerate into ‘free hate.’ Since loving everybody is a biological
impossibility, the attempt to do so [becomes] ‘otherization,’ and the hatred that
goes with it.”
12 Like McElvaine, many relationship counselors seem both
terrified by and ignorant of nonstandard marital relationships of any kind. Esther
Perel, author of Mating in Captivity, quotes a family therapist she knows (and
respects) stating unequivocally, “Open marriage doesn’t work. Thinking you can
do it is totally naïve. We tried it in the seventies and it was a disaster.”
13
Maybe, but such therapists might want to delve a little deeper before
reflexively dismissing alternatives to conventional marriage. Asked to imagine
the first swingers in modern American history, most people probably picture
hairy hippies in headbands lolling about on waterbeds in free-love communes
under posters of Che Guevara and Jimi Hendrix, Jefferson Airplane on the hi-fi.
But be cool, Daddy-O, ’cause the truth is gonna blow your mind.
It seems that the original modern American swingers were crew-cut World
War II air force pilots and their wives. Like elite warriors everywhere, these “top
guns” often developed strong bonds with one another, perhaps because they
suffered the highest casualty rate of any branch of the military. According to
journalist Terry Gould, “key parties,” like those later dramatized in the 1997 film
The Ice Storm, originated on these military bases in the 1940s, where elite pilots
and their wives intermingled sexually with one another before the men flew off
toward Japanese antiaircraft fire.
Gould, author of The Lifestyle, a cultural history of the swinging movement
in the United States, interviewed two researchers who’d written about this Air
Force ritual. Joan and Dwight Dixon explained to Gould that these warriors and
their wives “shared each other as a kind of tribal bonding ritual, with a tacit
understanding that the two thirds of husbands who survived would look after the
widows.”
* The practice continued after the war ended and by the late 1940s,
“military installations from Maine to Texas and California to Washington had
thriving swing clubs,” writes Gould. By the end of the Korean War, in 1953, the
clubs “had spread from the air bases to the surrounding suburbs among straight,
white-collar professionals.”
14
Are we to believe that these fighter pilots and their wives were “naïve”?
It’s true that many high-profile American forays into alternative sexuality in
the 1970s ended in chaos and hurt feelings, but what does that prove? Americans
also tried, and failed, to reduce their reliance on foreign oil in the 1970s. By this
logic, it would be “naïve” to ever try again. Besides, in intimate matters,
discretion and success tend to go together, so no one really has any idea how
many couples succeeded in finding their own unconventional understandings by
experimenting with low-key alternatives to standard, off-the-shelf monogamy.
15
What isn’t debatable is that conventional marriage is a full-blown disaster
for millions of men, women, and children right now. Conventional till-death-(or
infidelity, or boredom)-do-us-part marriage is a failure. Emotionally,
economically, psychologically, and sexually, it just doesn’t work over the long
term for too many couples. Yet while few mainstream therapists would
contemplate trying to convince a gay man or lesbian to “grow up, get real, and
just stop being gay,” these days, when it comes to unconventional approaches to
heterosexual marriage, Perel points out, “Sexual boundaries are one of the few
areas where therapists seem to mirror the dominant culture. Monogamy,” she
writes, “is the norm, and sexual fidelity is considered to be mature, committed,
and realistic.” Forget about negotiating alternatives: “Nonmonogamy, even
consensual nonmonogamy, is suspect.” The notion that it might be possible to
love one person while being sexual with another “makes us shudder,” and
conjures “images of chaos: promiscuity, orgies, debauchery.”
16
Couples who turn to a therapist hoping for guidance on ways to loosen—but
not break—the bonds of standard monogamy are likely to be offered little but
defensive condemnation and stilted bromides like this advice from an
evolutionary psychology based self-help book called Mean Genes: “The
temptations we all face are deeply ingrained in the genes of our hearts and
minds…[but] as long as we remain interesting dynamos, there will be no conflict
between monogamy and our infidelity-promoting mean genes.”
17
Interesting
dynamos? No conflict? Sure. Tell that to Mrs. Coolidge.
Perel is the rare therapist willing to publicly consider the possibility that
heterosexual couples might find alternative arrangements that can work well for
them—even if they find themselves outside the bounds of what mainstream
society approves. She writes, “It’s been my experience that couples who
negotiate sexual boundaries…are no less committed than those who keep the
gates closed. In fact, it is their desire to make the relationship stronger that leads
them to explore other models of long-term love.”
18
There are an infinite number of ways to adapt a flexible and loving
partnership to our ancient appetites. Despite what most mainstream therapists
claim, for example, couples with “open marriages” generally rate their overall
satisfaction (with both their relationship and with life in general) significantly
higher than those in conventional marriages do.
19 Polyamorists have found ways
to incorporate additional relationships into their lives without lying to one
another and destroying their primary partnership. Like many gay male couples,
these people recognize that additional relationships need not be taken as
indictments of anyone. Dossie Easton and Catherine Liszt, authors of The
Ethical Slut, write, “It is cruel and insensitive to interpret an affair as a symptom
of sickness in the relationship, as it leaves the ‘cheated-on’ partner—who may
already be feeling insecure—to wonder what is wrong with him…. Many people
have sex outside their primary relationships for reasons that have nothing to do
with any inadequacy in their partner or in the relationship.”
20
Despite centuries of religious and scientific propaganda, the basic illusions
underpinning the supposed “naturalness” of the conventional nuclear family are
clearly exhausted. This collapse has left many of us isolated and unfulfilled.
Blind insistence and well-intentioned inquisitions have failed to turn the tide,
and show no signs of future success. Rather than endless War Between the
Sexes, or rigid adherence to a notion of the human family that was never true to
begin with, we need to seek peace with the truths of human sexuality. Maybe
this means improvising new familial configurations. Perhaps it will require more
community assistance for single mothers and their children. Or maybe it just
means we must learn to adjust our expectations concerning sexual fidelity. But
this we know: vehement denial, inflexible religious or legislative dictate, and
medieval stoning rituals in the desert have all proved powerless against our
prehistoric predilections.
In 1988, Roy Romer, then governor of Colorado, faced a feeding-frenzy of
questions about his long-running extramarital affair that had become publicly
known. Romer did what few public figures have dared. In the spirit of the
Yucatán, he refused to accept the premise underlying the intrusive questions:
that his extramarital relationship was a betrayal of his wife and family. Instead,
he called an extraordinary press conference where he pointed out that his wife of
forty-five years had known about and accepted the relationship all along. Romer
confronted the tittering reporters with “life as it really happens.” “What is
fidelity?” he asked the suddenly silent gaggle of reporters. “Fidelity is what kind
of openness you have. What kind of trust you have, which is based on truth and
openness. And so, in my own family, we’ve discussed that at some length and
we’ve tried to arrive at an understanding of what our feelings are, what our
needs are, and work it out with that kind of fidelity.”
21
The Marriage of the Sun and the Moon
In a sky swarming with uncountable stars, clouds endlessly flowing, and planets
wandering, always and forever there has been just one moon and one sun. To our
ancestors, these two mysterious bodies reflected the female and the male
essences. From Iceland to Tierra del Fuego, people attributed the Sun’s
constancy and power to his masculinity; the Moon’s changeability, unspeakable
beauty, and monthly cycles were signs of her femininity.
To human eyes turned toward the sky 100,000 years ago, they appeared
identical in size, as they do to our eyes today. In a total solar eclipse, the disc of
the moon fits so precisely over that of the sun that the naked eye can see solar
flares leaping into space from behind.
But while they appear precisely the same size to terrestrial observers,
scientists long ago determined that the true diameter of the sun is about four
hundred times that of the moon. Yet incredibly, the sun’s distance from Earth is
roughly four hundred times that of the moon’s, thus bringing them into unlikely
balance when viewed from the only planet with anyone around to notice.
22
Some will say, “Interesting coincidence.” Others will wonder whether there
isn’t an extraordinary message contained in this celestial convergence of
difference and similarity, intimacy and distance, rhythmic constancy and cyclical
change. Like our distant ancestors, we watch the eternal dance of our sun and
our moon, looking for clues to the nature of man and woman, masculine and
feminine here at home.
Luc Viatour/www.lucnix.be
AUTHORS’ NOTE
The material in Chapter 21 featuring “philandering Phil” struck some readers of
previous editions of this book as imbalanced and even hypocritical in light of all
we’ve said about the importance of sexual satisfaction for both women and men.
“Why only talk about having an affair from a man’s perspective,” we’ve been
asked, “when the rest of your book is so balanced and supportive of women’s
sexuality?” That’s a fair and direct question for which we can offer only unfair
and indirect answers.
First, many men report that they had affairs simply because opportunities
arose, while women—for whom opportunities are often more plentiful—tend to
report a more complex confluence of motivations. For example, when Shirley
Glass and Thomas White anonymously interviewed three hundred men and
women about their extramarital affairs, they found that men tended to see their
affairs as more sexual while women were motivated more by emotional
considerations and reported greater levels of dissatisfaction with their marriages.
These findings have been echoed repeatedly in other research.
Second, as we’ve discussed in previous chapters, women’s libidinous
motivations tend to be far more fluid, and thus harder to discuss adequately, than
men’s. Recall that women are more likely to engage in extramarital sex when
they’re ovulating, for example, and are less likely to use birth control than at
other points in their menstrual cycle. A woman in her forties may well approach
a “friends with benefits” situation completely differently than she would have
two decades earlier, for reasons relating both to hormonal levels and life
experience.
In addition to these internal factors, women tend to be more responsive to
external conditions. (Are the kids grown and out of the house? Is she financially
independent? What would her friends and family say? Does she suspect that he’s
having an affair?) Men—even highly intelligent, otherwise cautious and
calculating men—often blunder into these situations blinded by something that
doesn’t seem to render women quite so helpless.
Of course, none of this is definitive or universal. Whatever generalizations
we make about motivations will be belied by many, many exceptions among
both men and women. Every person is a world and every relationship a universe.
Nothing we say here is meant to simplify or minimize anyone’s experience, male
or female.
Our purpose is merely to briefly explore how some of the theories we’ve
discussed play out in many modern lives by looking at the scenario married
couples confront most frequently: the middle-aged man who strays. A similar
assessment of women’s motivations and experiences of extramarital affairs
would require far more space than we have. Plus, we actually know “Phil,” who
was willing to discuss his experience with us. If we know any women who are
having affairs as we write this, they’ve chosen not to share their secret with us,
perhaps wisely.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
They say publishing a book is like having a baby, but it takes longer and hurts
more. Appropriately, this “baby” has many parents. There would be no Sex at
Dawn without the insight, encouragement, and patience of our families,
especially Frank, Julie, and Beth Ryan, Joana and Manel Ruas, Alzira Remane,
Celestino Almeida, and Danial Jethá.
Stephan Lang (whose name we inexcusably misspelled in the hardcover
version of this book) and Henriette Klauser were incredibly generous in helping
us put together a convincing book proposal. Our agent, Melissa Flashman, spent
countless hours guiding us through the transition from proposal to manuscript.
Unlike most agents, she kept reading and offering wise counsel throughout the
entire publishing process, for which we are sincerely grateful. Many thanks to
Ben Loehnen, our editor at HarperCollins, who believed in the book from the
get-go (even while no doubt discreetly disagreeing with some of its content), and
assistant editor Matthew Inman, for his rapid-response professionalism. Lisa
Wolff did a first-class copyedit, catching more than a few potentially
embarrassing mistakes. Those that snuck through or that we slipped in later are
nobody’s fault but our own.
Frank Ryan (WBE), Stanton Peele, Stanley Krippner, Julie Holland, Britt
Winston, and Steve Mason masochistically read and re-read early drafts of the
entire messy manuscript. Their comments were sadistically honest, which is
exactly what we needed. In addition to their crucial scholarship, Robert
Sapolsky, Todd Shackelford, Helen Fisher, Daniel Moses, and Frans de Waal
contributed scarce free time to review parts of the manuscript.
Finally, we thank the following people (in random order) for the many kinds
of support and encouragement they’ve given us: Michael and Mireille Lang,
Brian and Crosby O’Hare, Marta Cervera, Alejandra Peña, Dorothianne Henne,
Naomi and Don Norwood, Octavi de Daniel, Adam Mendelson, Richard
Schweid, David Darnell, Señor Manolo Reyes, Matt Dondet, Mark Plummer,
Cybele Tom, Sean Doyle, Santiago Suso, Victoria Ribera, Antonio Berruezo,
Eric Patterson, Don Cooper, Martijn van Duivendijk, Peggy and Raul Rossel,
Nacho and Leo Valls-Jové, Celine Salvans, Carmen Palomar Lopez,
Anamargarita Otero-Robertson, Viram, Voodoo, Maria da Luz Venâncio
Guerreiro, João Alves Falcato, Mario Simões, Steve Taylor, Vince and Carrie
Stamper, Susie Bright, Jacqui Deegan, and, of course, Dan, Terry, and D.J.
NOTES
Please visit sexatdawn.com for the latest news, further discussion, and updates
on the issues raised in this book, or to contact the authors.
Introduction
1. Maybe as recently as 4.5 million years ago. For a recent review of the
genetic evidence, see Siepel (2009).
2. de Waal (1998), p. 5.
3. Some of these numbers are reported in McNeil et al. (2006) and Yoder et
al. (2005). The hundred billion figure comes from
http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-fg-vienna-porn25-
2009mar25,0,7189584.story.
4. See “Yes, dear. Tonight again.” Ralph Gardner, Jr. The New York Times
(June 9, 2008): http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/09/arts/09iht08nights.13568273.html?_r=1
5. Full disclosure: Murdoch also owns HarperCollins, the publisher of this
book.
6. Diamond (1987).
7. Such relationships would have been among many group-identityboosting techniques, including participation in group bonding rituals
still common to shamanistic religions characteristic of foraging people.
Interestingly, such collective-identity-affirming rituals are often
accompanied by music (which—like orgasm—releases oxytocin, the
hormone most associated with forming emotional bonds). See Levitin
(2009) for more on music and social identity.
8. The precise timing of this shift has recently been called into question.
See White and Lovejoy (2009).
9. For more on the sharing-based economies of foragers, see Sahlins (1972),
Hawkes (1993), Gowdy (1998), Boehm (1999), or Michael Finkel’s
National Geographic article on the Hadza, available here:
http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/2009/12/hadza/finkel-text.
10. Mithen (2007), p. 705.
11. Taylor (1996), pp. 142–143. Taylor’s book is an excellent
archaeological account of human sexual origins.
Part I: On the Origin of the Specious
Chapter 1: Remember the Yucatán!
1. This account comes from Todorov (1984), but Todorov’s version of
events is not universally accepted. See
http://www.yucatantoday.com/culture/esp-yucatan-name.htm, for
example, for a review of other etymologies (in Spanish).
2. From the FDA’s Macroanalytical Procedures Manual—Spice Methods.
Accessed online at:
http://www.fda.gov/Food/ScienceResearch/LaboratoryMethods/MacroanalyticalProcChapter 2: What Darwin Didn’t Know About Sex
1. Originally published in Daedalus, Spring 2007. Article can be found
here:
http://www.redorbit.com/news/science/931165/challenging_darwins_theory_of_sexuFor more of her uniquely informed view of sexual diversity in nature,
see Roughgarden (2004). For her deconstruction of self-interest as the
engine of natural and sexual selection, see Roughgarden (2009). For
more on homosexuality in the animal world, see Bagemihl (1999).
2. http://www.advicegoddess.com/ag-column-archives/2006/05.
3. Not everyone would agree, of course. When Darwin’s brother Erasmus
first read the book, he found Charles’s reasoning so compelling that he
wasn’t bothered by the lack of evidence, writing, “If the facts won’t fit
in, why so much the worse for the facts is my feeling.”
For a thorough (but reader-friendly) look at how Darwin’s
Victorianism affected his own and subsequent science, see Hrdy (1996).
4. Darwin (1871/2007), p. 362.
5. Pinker (2002), p. 253.
6. Fowles (1969), pp. 211-212.
7. Houghton (1957). Quoted in Wright (1994), p. 224.
8. Quoted in Richards (1979), p. 1244.
9. Writing in Scientific American Online (February 2005, p. 30), science
historian Londa Schiebinger explains: “Erasmus Darwin…did not limit
sexual relations to the bonds of holy matrimony. In his Loves of the
Plants (1789), Darwin’s plants freely expressed every imaginable form
of heterosexual union. The fair Collinsonia, sighing with sweet concern,
satisfied the love of two brothers by turns. The Meadia—an ordinary
cowslip—bowed with ‘wanton air,’ rolled her dark eyes and waved her
golden hair as she gratified each of her five beaux…. Darwin may well
have been using the cover of botany to propagandize for the free love he
practiced after the death of his first wife.”
10. From Hrdy (1999b).
11. Raverat (1991).
12. Desmond and Moore (1994), p. 257. Also, see Wright (1994) for
excellent insights into Darwin’s thought process and family life.
13. Levine (1996) first used the term Flintstonization. The Flintstones
occupies a unique place in American cultural history. It was the first
prime-time animated series for adults, the first prime-time animated
series to last more than two sea sons (not matched until The Simpsons in
1992), and the first animated program to show a man and woman in bed
together.
14. Lovejoy (1981).
15. Fisher (1992), p. 72.
16. Ridley (2006), p. 35.
17. See, for example, Steven Pinker’s assertion that human societies have
become progressively more peaceful through the generations (discussed
in detail in Chapter 13).
18. Wilson (1978), pp. 1–2.
19. A view Steven Pinker resuscitated decades later, long after more
nuanced positions had become prevalent.
20. See, for example, Thornhill and Palmer (2000).
21. “A Treatise on the Tyranny of Two,” New York Times Magazine,
October 14, 2001. You can read the essay online at
http://www.nytimes.com/2001/10/14/magazine/14AGAINSTLOVE.html.
22. Quoted in Flanagan (2009).
23. Real Time with Bill Maher (March 21, 2008). Ironically, the panelist
who suggested “moving on” was Jon Hamm who, at the time, played a
serial womanizer on TV’s Mad Men.
24. For more on Morgan’s life and thought, see Moses (2008).
25. Morgan (1877/1908), p. 418, 427.
26. Darwin (1871/2007), p. 360.
27. Morgan (1877/1908), p. 52.
28. Dixson (1998), p. 37.
Chapter 3: A Closer Look at the Standard Narrative of Human Sexual
Evolution
1. With apologies to John Perry Barlow, author of “A Ladies’ Man and
Shameless.” At:
http://www.nerve.com/personalEssays/Barlow/shameless/index.asp?
page=1.
2. Wilson (1978), p. 148
3. Pinker (2002), p. 252.
4. Barkow et al. (1992), p. 289.
5. Barkow et al. (1992), pp. 267–268.
6. Acton (1857/62), p. 162.
7. Symons (1979), p. vi.
8. Bateman (1948), p. 365.
9. Clark and Hatfield (1989).
10. Wright (1994), p. 298.
11. Buss (2000), p. 140.
12. Wright (1994), p. 57.
13. Birkhead (2000), p. 33.
14. Wright (1994), p. 63.
15. Henry Kissinger—just our opinion. Nothing personal.
16. Wright (1994), pp. 57–58.
17. Symons (1979), p. v.
18. Fisher (1992), p. 187.
Chapter 4: The Ape in the Mirror
1. See Caswell et al. (2008) and Won and Hey (2004). Rapid advances in
genetic testing have reopened the debate over the timing of the
chimp/bonobo split. We use the widely accepted estimate of 3 million
years, though it may turn out to have occurred less than a million years
ago.
2. This account from de Waal and Lanting (1998).
3. Harris (1989), p. 181.
4. Symons (1979), p. 108.
5. Wrangham and Peterson (1996), p. 63.
6. Sapolsky (2001), p. 174.
7. Table based on de Waal (2005a) and Dixson (1998).
8. Stanford (2001), p. 116.
9. Berman (2000), pp. 66–67.
10. Dawkins (1976), p. 3.
11.
http://www.edge.org/3rd_culture/woods_hare09/woods_hare09_index.html.
12. de Waal (2005), p. 106.
13. Theroux (1989), p. 195.
14. Pusey (2001), p. 20.
15. Stanford (2001), p. 26.
16. McGrew and Feistner (1992), p. 232.
17. de Waal (1995).
18. de Waal and Lanting (1998), p. 73.
19. de Waal (2001a), p. 140.
20. The quote appears here:
http://primatediaries.blogspot.com/2009/03/bonobos-in-garden-ofeden.html.
21. Fisher (1992), p. 129.
22. Fisher (1992), pp. 129–130.
23. Fisher (1992). These quotes are all taken from an endnote on page 329.
24. Fisher (1992), p. 92.
25. Fisher (1992), pp. 130–131.
26. de Waal (2001b), p. 47.
27. de Waal (2005), pp. 124–125.
28. A true man of science, de Waal was kind enough to review and critique
parts of this book, including sections where we disagree with some of
his views.
29. The information in this chart is taken from various sources (Blount,
1990; Kano, 1980 and 1992; de Waal and Lanting, 1998; SavageRumbaugh and Wilkerson, 1978; de Waal, 2001a; de Waal, 2001b).
Part II: Lust in Paradise (Solitary)
Chapter 5: Who Lost What in Paradise?
1. For readers interested in further understanding how and why the shift
from foraging to cultivation happened, Fagan (2004) and Quinn (1995)
are both great places to start.
2. Cochran and Harpending (2009) point out some of these parallels: “In
both [domesticated] humans and domesticated animals,” they write,
“we see a reduction in brain size, broader skulls, changes in hair color
or coat color, and smaller teeth.” (p. 112.)
3. Anderson is quoted in “Hellhole,” by Atul Gawande in The New Yorker,
March 30, 2009. The article is very much worth reading for its
examination of whether solitary confinement is so anti-human that it
qualifies as torture. Gawande concludes it clearly does, writing,
“Simply to exist as a normal human being requires interaction with
other people.”
4. Jones et al. (1992), p. 123.
5. Although only humans and bonobos appear to have sex throughout the
menstrual cycle, both chimps and some types of dolphins seem to share
our predilection for engaging in sex for pleasure, as opposed to
reproduction alone.
6. These tidbits come from Ventura’s wonderful essay on the origins of jazz
and rock music, “Hear That Long Snake Moan,” published in Ventura
(1986). The book is out of print, but you can access this essay and other
writing at Ventura’s website: http://www.michaelventura.org/. The
Thompson material can be found both in Ventura’s essay and in
Thompson (1984).
Chapter 6: Who’s Your Daddies?
1. Harris (1989), p. 195.
2. Beckerman and Valentine (2002), p. 10.
3. Beckerman and Valentine (2002), p. 6.
4. Kim Hill is quoted in Hrdy (1999b), pp. 246–247.
5. Among the Bari people of Colombia and Venezuela, for example,
researchers found that 80 percent of the children with two or more
socially recognized fathers survived to adulthood, whereas only 64
percent of those with one official father made it that far. Hill and
Hurtado (1996) reported that among their sample of 227 Aché children,
70 percent of those with only one recognized father survived to age ten,
while 85 percent of those with both a primary and secondary father
made it that far.
6. The quote is from an article by Sally Lehrman posted on AlterNet.org.
Available at http://www.alternet.org/story/13648/?page=entire.
7. Morris (1981), pp. 154–156.
8. In Beckerman and Valentine (2002), p. 128.
9. See Erikson’s chapter in Beckerman and Valentine (2002).
10. Williams (1988), p. 114.
11. Caesar (2008), p. 121.
12. Quoted in Sturma (2002), p. 17.
13. See Littlewood (2003).
14. At this point, naysayers will point out that Margaret Mead’s famous
claims of South Seas libertines were debunked by Derek Freeman
(1983). But Freeman’s debunking has been debunked as well, thus
leaving Mead’s original claims, what, rebunked? Hiram Caton (1990)
and others have argued, quite compellingly, that Freeman’s relentless
attacks on Mead were likely motivated by a psychiatric disorder that
also led to several paranoid outbursts of such intensity that he was
forcibly removed from Sarawak by Australian diplomatic officials. The
general consensus in the anthropological community seems to be that
it’s unclear to what extent, if any, Mead’s findings were mistaken.
Freeman’s purported debunking took place after decades of Christian
indoctrination of Samoans, so it should surprise no one if the stories he
heard differed significantly from those told to Mead half a century
earlier. For a brief review, we recommend Monaghan (2006).
15. Ford and Beach (1952), p. 118.
16. Small (1993), p. 153.
17. de Waal (2005), p. 101.
18. Morris (1967), p. 79.
19. http://primatediaries.blogspot.com/2007/08/forbidden-love.html.
20. Kinsey (1953), p. 415.
21. Sulloway (1998).
22. For a review of other mammals that practice sharing behavior, see
Ridley (1996) and Stanford (2001).
23. Bogucki (1999), p. 124.
24. Knight (1995), p. 210.
25. The extent to which ovulation truly is hidden in humans is not as settled
a matter as many authorities claim. There is good reason to believe that
olfactory systems are still able to detect ovulation in women and that
such systems are significantly atrophied when compared with those of
ancestral humans. See, for example, Singh and Bronstad (2001).
Furthermore, there is reason to believe that women advertise their
fertility status via visual cues such as jewelry and changes in facial
attractiveness. See, for example, Roberts et al. (2004).
26. Daniels (1983), p. 69.
27. Gregor (1985), p. 37.
28. Crocker and Crocker (2003), pp. 125–126.
29. Wilson (1978), p. 144.
Chapter 7: Mommies Dearest
1. Pollock (2002), pp. 53–54.
2. The quote is taken from an interview by Sarah van Gelder,
“Remembering Our Purpose: An Interview with Malidoma Somé,” In
Context: A Quarterly of Humane Sustainable Culture, vol. 34, p. 30
(1993). Available online at
http://www.context.org/ICLIB/IC34/Some.htm.
3. Hrdy (1999), p. 498.
4. Darwin (1871), p. 610.
5. Leacock (1981), p. 50.
6. http://www.slate.com/id/2204451/.
7. Erikson (2002), p. 131.
8. Chernela (2002), p. 163.
9. Lea (2002), p. 113.
10. Chernela (2002), p. 173.
11. Morris (1998), p. 262.
12. Malinowski (1962), pp. 156–157.
13. See Sapolsky (2005).
14. Drucker (2004).
15. Even Jean-Jacques Rousseau, poster-boy for the Romantic ideal of the
Noble Savage, made use of these baby disposals. In 1785, Benjamin
Franklin visited the hospital where Rousseau had deposited his five
illegitimate children and discovered a mortality rate of 85 percent
among the babies there (“Baby Food,” by Jill Lepore, in The New
Yorker, January 19, 2009).
16. McElvaine (2001), p. 45.
17. Betzig (1989), p. 654.
Chapter 8: Making a Mess of Marriage, Mating, and Monogamy
1. As we write this, Tiger Woods is being accused of having “slept with”
more than a dozen women in cars, parking lots, on sofas…. Are we to
think he’s a narcoleptic?
2. de Waal (2005), p. 108.
3. Trivers’s paper is seen as the foundational text in establishing the
importance of male provisioning (investment) as a crucial factor in
female sexual selection, among other things. It’s well worth a read if
you want a deeper understanding of the overall development of
evolutionary psychology.
4. Ghiglieri (1999), p. 150.
5. Small (1993), p. 135.
6. Roughgarden (2007). Available online:
http://www.redorbit.com/news/science/931165/challenging_darwins_theory_of_sexu7. The New Yorker, November 25, 2002.
8. Cartwright’s article is available here:
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aia/part4/4h3106t.html.
9. Symons (1979), p. 108.
10. Valentine (2002), p. 188.
11. Article by Souhail Karam, Reuters, July 24, 2006.
12. The New Yorker, April 17, 2007.
13. Vincent of Beauvais Speculum doctrinale 10. 45.
14. Both from Townsend and Levy (1990b).
Chapter 9: Paternity Certainty: The Crumbling Cornerstone of the
Standard Narrative
1. Edgerton (1992), p. 182.
2. In Margolis (2004), p. 175.
3. Pollock (2002), p. 53.
4. For more on the deep connections between a society’s levels of violence
and its eroticism, see Prescott (1975).
5. Quoted in Hua (2001), p. 23.
6. Namu (2004), p 276. For an excellent look at Mosuo culture, check out
PBS Frontline World, “The Women’s Kingdom,” available at
www.pbs.org/frontlineworld/rough/2005/07/introduction_to.html.
7. Namu (2004), p. 69.
8. Namu (2004), p. 8.
9. This sacred regard for each individual’s autonomy is characteristic of
foragers, too. For example, when Michael Finkel visited the Hadza
recently in Tanzania, he reported, “the Hadza recognize no official
leaders. Camps are traditionally named after a senior male…but this
honor does not confer any particular power. Individual autonomy is the
hallmark of the Hadza. No Hadza adult has authority over any other.”
(National Geographic, December 2009.)
10. Hua (2001), pp. 202–203.
11. Namu (2004), pp. 94–95.
12. China’s Kingdom of Women, Cynthia Barnes. Slate.com (November
17, 2006): http://www.slate.com/id/2153586/entry/2153614.
13. Goldberg (1993), p. 15.
14. (Photo: Christopher Ryan.) When I saw this old woman, I knew her face
contained the feminine strength and humor I was hoping to convey in a
photo. I gestured to ask if it would be all right to take her picture. She
agreed, but asked me to wait, and immediately started calling. These
two little girls (granddaughters? Great-granddaughters?) came running.
Once she had them in her arms, she gave me the go-ahead to take the
shot.
15. The book was published in 2002, while Goldberg’s came out almost a
decade earlier, but all of Sanday’s work on the Minangkabau, including
the paper Goldberg cites, argues against his position—a point certainly
deserving of mention.
16. Source: http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2002-05/uopimm050902.php.
17. Source: www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2002-05/uopimm050902.php.
18. Most of these quotes are from an article by David Smith that appeared
in The Guardian, September 18, 2005, available online at
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2005/sep/18/usa.filmnews, or Stephen
Holden’s review in The New York Times, June 24, 2005, available
online at http://movies.nytimes.com/2005/06/24/movies/24peng.html?
_r=2.
19. The San Diego Union-Tribune: “Studies Suggest Monogamy Isn’t for
the Birds—or Most Creatures,” by Scott LaFee, September 4, 2002.
20. “Monogamy and the Prairie Vole,” Scientific American online issue,
February 2005, pp. 22–27.
21. Things have become a bit more muddled since Insel said that. More
recently, Insel and others have been working on trying to discover the
hormonal correlations underlying the fidelity or lack thereof among
prairie, montane, and meadow voles. As reported in the October 7, 1993
issue of Nature, Insel and his team found that vasopressin, a hormone
released during mating, seemed to trigger protective, nest-guarding
behavior in some species of male voles, but not others, leading to
speculation about “monogamy genes.” See
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1200/is_n22_v144/ai_14642472
for a review. In 2008, Hasse Walum of the Karolinska Institute in
Sweden found that a variation in the gene called RS3 334 seemed to be
associated with how easily men bonded emotionally with their partners.
Most interestingly, the gene appears to have some association with
autism as well. The reference for Walum’s paper is Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences, DOI: 10.1073pnas. 0803081105. A
news article summarizing the findings is online at
http://www.newscientist.com/article/dn14641-monogamy-gene-foundin-people.html.
Chapter 10: Jealousy: A Beginner’s Guide to Coveting Thy Neighbor’s
Spouse
1. Darwin (1871/2007), p. 184.
2. Hrdy (1999b), p. 249.
3. Known to historians as The Wicked Bible or The Adulterous Bible, the
mistake led to the royal printers losing their license and a £300 fine.
4. Confusingly, the tribe that came to be known as the Flatheads was not
one of them, as their heads were “flat,” like the white trappers’, while
the neighboring tribes’ heads were bizarrely conical.
5. Grayscale reproduction scanned from Eaton, D.; Urbanek, S.: Paul
Kane’s Great Nor-West, University of British Columbia Press;
Vancouver, 1995.
6. In fact, Maryanne Fisher and her colleagues found the opposite; distress
was greater if the infidelity involved someone with familial bonds (see
Fisher, et al. [2009]).
7. Buss (2000), p. 33.
8. Buss (2000), p. 58.
9. Jethá and Falcato (1991).
10. Harris (2000), p. 1084.
11. For an overview of Buss’s research on jealousy, see Buss (2000). For
research and commentary rebutting his work, see Ryan and Jethá
(2005), Harris and Christenfeld (1996), and DeSteno and Salovey
(1996).
12. www.epjournal.net/filestore/ep06667675.pdf.
13. Holmberg (1969), p. 161.
14. From an “On Faith” blog post in The Washington Post, November 29,
2007:
http://newsweek.washingtonpost.com/onfaith/panelists/richard_dawkins/2007/11/ban15. Wilson (1978), p. 142.
Part III: The Way We Weren’t
Chapter 11: “The Wealth of Nature” (Poor?)
1. Presumably, he was reading the sixth edition, published in 1826.
2. Barlow (1958), p. 120.
3. It’s no accident that Darwin was well aware of Malthus’s thinking.
Harriet Martineau, an early feminist, economic philosopher, and
outspoken opponent of slavery, had been close to Malthus before
striking up a friendship with Darwin’s older brother, Erasmus, who
introduced her to Charles. Had Charles not been “astonished to find
how ugly she is,” some, including Matt Ridley, suspect their friendship
might have led to marriage. It would surely have been a marriage with
lasting effects on Western thought (see Ridley’s article, “The Natural
Order of Things,” in The Spectator, January 7, 2009).
4. Shaw (1987), p. 53.
5. Darwin (1871/2007), p. 79. Both Malthus and Darwin would have
profited from familiarity with MacArthur and Wilson’s (1967) thoughts
on r/K reproduction and selection. Briefly, they posit that some species
(like many insects, rodents, etc.) reproduce quickly to fill an empty
ecological niche. They don’t expect most of their young to survive to
adulthood, but they flood the environment quickly (r-selected). Kselected species have fewer young and invest heavily in each of them.
Such species are generally in a state of Malthusian equilibrium, having
already reached a population/food supply stasis point. Thus, these
questions: as Homo sapiens is clearly a K-selected species, at what
point did our environmental niche become saturated? Or have we
continually found ways to expand our niche as human population
expanded? If so, what does this mean for the underlying mechanisms of
natural selection when applied to human evolution?
6. For example: “In the roughly 2 million years our ancestors lived as
hunters and gatherers, the population rose from about 10,000
protohumans to about 4 million modern humans. If, as we believe, the
growth pattern during this era was fairly steady, then the population
must have doubled about every quarter million years, on average.”
Economics of the Singularity, Robin Hanson,
http://www.spectrum.ieee.org/jun08/6274.
7. Source: U.S. Census Bureau:
http://www.census.gov/ipc/www/worldhis.html.
8. Lilla (2007).
9. Smith’s essay is online at http://realhumannature.com/?page_id=26.
10. Hassan (1980).
11. For a different take on how and why prehistoric population levels grew
so slowly, see Harris (1977), particularly Chapter 2. For yet another
take, see Hart and Sussman (2005), who argue that our ancestors did in
fact live in Hobbesian fear—but not from each other so much as from
constant predation. Malthus acknowledged the low population growth
of Native Americans, but he attributed it to lack of libido caused by
food shortages, “phlegmatic temperament,” or “a natural defect in their
bodily frame” (I. IV. P. 3).
12. Most of the other species of hominids that had spread from Africa to
Asia and Europe previously were already long gone by the time modern
humans wandered out of Africa. Those still hanging on, Neanderthals
and (possibly) Homo erectus, would have been at a huge disadvantage
if there was interspecies competition—which is unclear. One could
argue that the presence of Neanderthals in Europe and parts of Central
Asia may have led to competition over hunting areas, but the extent of
contact between our ancestors and Neanderthals, if any, is unresolved.
Also, any overlap would have been partial, as Neanderthals appear to
have been top-level carnivores, while Homo sapiens are and were
enthusiastic omnivores (see, for example, Richards and Trinkaus,
2009).
13. The question of when humans first arrived in the Americas is
unresolved. Recent archaeological finds in Chile suggesting human
settlements dating to about 35,000 years ago have thrown open the
question of how and when the first humans arrived in the western
hemisphere. See, for example, Dillehay et al. (2008).
14. See Amos and Hoffman (2009), for example. Paleoanthropologist John
Hawks isn’t convinced that population bottlenecks necessarily imply
sparse prehistoric human populations overall, proposing that “many
small groups of humans were in fact competing intensively, and many
of them failed to persist over the long term. In other words, a small
effective size is hardly evidence of no ancient competition or warfare. It
may be the result of intense competition leading to many local
extinctions” (see his blog: http://johnhawks.net/node/1894). Given the
persistence of hunter-gather populations in the world’s least habitable
zones, the relative abundance of the rest of the planet, and the genetic
evidence of just a few hundred breeding pairs after the Toba eruption
70,000 years ago (Ambrose, 1998), we aren’t convinced by Hawks’s
scenario of “many local extinctions” due to competition—as opposed to
planetary catastrophe.
15. Agriculture itself can be seen as a response to ecological saturation
brought about by the combined effects of gradually rising regional
population and catastrophic climate change. For example, Nick Brooks,
a researcher at the University of East Anglia, argues, “Civilization was
in large part an accidental by-product of unplanned adaptation to
catastrophic climate change.” Brooks and others argue that the
agricultural shift was a “last resort” response to deteriorating
environmental conditions. For a comprehensive discussion of how
climate change might have provoked agriculture, see Fagan (2004).
16. Known as “geophagy,” dirt eating is common in societies around the
world—especially among pregnant and lactating women. Additionally,
many otherwise toxic foods containing poisonous alkaloids and tannic
acids are cooked along with alkaloid-binding clays. Clay can be a rich
source of iron, copper, magnesium, and calcium—all critical during
pregnancy.
17. August 5, 2007.
18.
http://moneyfeatures.blogs.money.cnn.com/2009/04/30/millionairesarentsleeping-well-either/?section=money_topstories.
19. See Wolf et al. (1989) and Bruhn and Wolf (1979). Malcolm Gladwell
(2008) also discusses Roseto.
20. Sahlins (1972), p. 37.
21. http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/books/2009/04/the-exchangedavid-plotz.html.
22. Malthus (1798), Book I, Chapter IV, paragraph 38.
23. Darwin (1871/2007), p. 208.
24. For a more detailed analysis of how modern economic theory plays out
(or doesn’t) among non-state societies, see Henrich et al. (2005) and
Richard Lee’s chapter titled “Reflections on Primitive Communism,” in
Ingold et al. (1988).
Chapter 12: The Selfish Meme (Nasty?)
1. In A Theory of Moral Sentiments, Smith wrote, “How selfish soever man
may be supposed, there are evidently some principles in his nature,
which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness
necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasure
of seeing it.”
2. Gowdy (1998), p. xxiv.
3. From Mill (1874).
4. New York Times, July 23, 2002, “Why We’re So Nice: We’re Wired to
Cooperate.” http://www.nytimes.com/2002/07/23/science/why-we-reso-nice-we-re-wired-to-cooperate.html. For the original research, see
Rilling et al. (2002).
5. We’ve drawn from an excellent analysis of Hardin’s paper by Ian Angus,
which can be found at http://links.org.au/node/595.
6. See Ostrom (2009), for example.
7. See Dunbar (1992 and 1993).
8. Harris (1989), pp. 344–345.
9. Bodley (2002), p. 54.
10. Harris (1989), p. 147.
11. van der Merwe (1992), p. 372. Also see Jared Diamond, “The Worst
Mistake in the History of the Human Race” (widely available online;
see here, for example: http://www.awok.org/worst-mistake/).
12. Le Jeune (1897), pp. 281–283.
13. Gowdy (1998), p. 130.
14. Quoted in Menzel and D’Aluisio, p. 178.
15. Harris (1977), p. x. Also see Eaton, Shostak, and Konner (1988).
16. Gowdy (1998), p. 13.
17. Gowdy (1998), p. 23.
18. Harris (1980), p. 81.
19. Ridley (1996), p. 249.
20. See de Waal (2009) for much more on the biological origins of empathy
and instinctive justice.
21. Dawkins (1998), p. 212.
22. de Waal and Johanowicz (1993).
23. Sapolsky and Share (2004). Also see Natalie Angier, “No Time for
Bullies: Baboons Retool Their Culture,” New York Times, April 13,
2004.
24. Boehm (1999), p. 3, 68.
25. Fromm (1973), p. 60.
26. Gowdy (1998), p. xvii.
Chapter 13: The Never-Ending Battle over Prehistoric War (Brutish?)
1. From his closing argument in the Scopes case.
2. Wade (2006), p. 151.
3. Recent studies of mitochondrial DNA suggest that even before the
human migrations out of Africa that began about 60,000 years ago,
human populations were largely isolated from each other for as much as
100,000 years, localized in eastern and southern Africa. Only about
40,000 years ago did these two lines reunite, becoming a single panAfrican population, according to this research. See Behar et al. (2008).
Full paper available online at
http://www.cell.com/AJHG/fulltext/S0002-9297%2808%2900255-3#.
4. Readers interested in further exploration of the critique of Hobbesian
assumptions regarding war in prehistory could begin with Fry (2009)
and Ferguson (2000).
5. Pinker’s talk was based upon an argument he presents in The Blank Slate
(2002), particularly in the last few pages of the third chapter.
6. The link to Pinker’s presentation is
http://www.ted.com/index.php/talks/steven_pinker_on_the_myth_of_violence.html.
You can find many other interesting presentations at this site. You
might want to search Sue Savage-Rumbaugh’s talks on bonobos, for
example. If you prefer to read Pinker’s remarks, an essay based upon
the talk can be found at
www.edge.org/3rd_culture/pinker07/pinker07_index.html.
7. Note that Pinker’s chart represents part of a chart in Keeley’s book
(1996), and that Keeley refers to these societies as “primitive,”
“prestate,” and “prehistoric” in his charts (pp. 89–90). Indeed, Keeley
distinguishes what he calls “sedentary hunter-gatherers” from true
“nomadic hunter-gatherers,” writing, “Low-density, nomadic huntergatherers, with their few (and portable) possessions, large territories,
and few fixed resources or constructed facilities, had the option of
fleeing conflict and raiding parties. At best, the only thing they would
lose by such flight was their composure” (p. 31).
As we’ve established, these nomadic (immediate-return) huntergatherers are most representative of human prehistory—a period that is,
by definition, before the advent of settled communities, cultivated food,
domesticated animals, and so on. Keeley’s confusion (and thus,
Pinker’s) is largely due to his referring to horticulturalists, with their
gardens, domesticated animals, and settled villages, as “sedentary
hunter-gatherers.” Yes, they do occasionally hunt and they sometimes
gather, but because these activities are not their sole source of food,
their lives are dissimilar to those of immediate-return hunter-gatherers.
Their gardens, settled villages, and so on make territorial defense
necessary and fleeing conflict much more problematic than it was for
our ancestors. They—unlike true immediate-return foragers—have a lot
to lose by simply fleeing aggression.
Keeley acknowledges this crucial difference, writing, “Farmers and
sedentary hunter-gatherers had little alternative but to meet force with
force or, after injury, to discourage further depredations by taking
revenge” (p. 31).
The point bears repeating. If you live a settled life in a stable
village, have a labor-expensive shelter, cultivated fields, domesticated
animals, and too many possessions to carry easily, you’re not a huntergatherer. Prehistoric human beings did not have any of these things,
which is, after all, precisely what made them “prehistoric.” Pinker either
fails to appreciate this essential point, or simply ignores it.
8. Societies in Pinker’s chart:
Jivaro The Jivaro cultivate yams, peanuts, sweet manioc, maize, sweet
potatoes, peanuts, tuber beans, pumpkins, plantains, tobacco,
cotton, banana, sugarcane, taro, and yam. They also
traditionally domesticate llamas and guinea pigs and later the
introduced dog, chicken, and pig.
Yanomami The Yanomami are foraging, “slash-and-burn” horticulturists.
They cultivate plantains, cassava, and bananas.
Mae Enga The Mae Enga grow sweet potatoes, taro, bananas, sugarcane,
Pandanus nuts, beans, and various leaf greens, as well as
potatoes, maize, and peanuts. They raise pigs, used not only for
meat but for important ritualistic celebrations.
Dugum
Dani
About 90 percent of the Dani diet is sweet potatoes. They also
cultivate banana and cassava. Domestic pigs are important both
for currency used in barter and for the celebration of important
events. Pig theft is a major cause of conflict.
Murngin The Murngin economy was based primarily on fishing,
collecting shellfish, hunting, and gathering until the
establishment of missions and the gradual introduction of
market goods in the 1930s and 1940s. While hunting and
gathering remain important for some groups, motor vehicles,
aluminum boats with outboard engines, guns, and other
introduced tools have replaced indigenous techniques.
Huli The Huli’s staple food is the sweet potato. Like other groups in
Papua New Guinea, the Huli prize domestic pigs for meat and
status.
9. This, according to Fry (2009).
10. Knauft (1987 and 2009).
11. To make matters even worse, Pinker juxtaposes these bogus “huntergatherer” mortality rates with a tiny bar showing the relatively few warrelated deaths of males in twentieth-century United States and Europe.
This is misleading in many respects. Perhaps most important, the
twentieth century gave birth to “total war” between nations, in which
civilians (not just male combatants) were targeted for psychological
advantage (Dresden, Hiroshima, Nagasaki…), so counting only male
mortalities is meaningless.
Furthermore, why did Pinker not include the tens of millions who
died in some of the most vicious and deadly examples of twentiethcentury warfare? In his discussion of “our most peaceful age,” he makes
no mention of the Rape of Nanking, the entire Pacific theater of World
War II (including the detonation of two nuclear bombs over Japan), the
Khmer Rouge and Pol Pot’s killing fields in Cambodia, several
consecutive decades-long wars in Vietnam (against the Japanese,
French, and Americans), the Chinese revolution and civil war, the
India/Pakistan separation and subsequent wars, or the Korean war.
None of these many millions are included in his assessment of
twentieth-century (male) war fatalities.
Nor does Pinker include Africa, with its never-ending conflicts,
child soldiers, and casual genocides. No mention of Rwanda. Not a
Tutsi or Hutu to be found. He leaves out every one of South America’s
various twentieth-century wars and dictatorships infamous for torturing
and disappearing tens of thousands of civilians. El Salvador?
Nicaragua? More than 100,000 dead villagers in Guatemala? Nada.
Absolutamente nada.
12. For example, see Zihlman et al. (1978 and 1984).
13. Why War? available online at http://realhumannature.com/?page_id=26.
After we contacted him to ask how he could possibly justify the
omission, Smith at first cited Wrangham and Peterson’s dismissal of
bonobos as being less representative than chimps of our last common
ancestor. When we pointed out that many primatologists argue that
bonobos are probably more representative, that even Wrangham had
revised his opinion on the point, and that in any case, it is factually
wrong to say that chimps are our “closest non-human relative” without
mentioning bonobos, he finally relented and added two brief references
to bonobos to his lurid descriptions of chimps’ “bloody wars of
attrition.” Since the online essay was an extract from his book, which
was already in print, it seems unlikely these reluctant changes are
reflected there.
14. Ghiglieri (1999), pp. 104–105.
15. For a review, see Sussman and Garber’s chapter in Chapman and
Sussman (2004).
16. The quote is from de Waal (1998), p. 10.
17. Goodall (1971), cited in Power (1991), pp. 28–29.
18. Strangely, even though he agrees with this central point made by Power,
de Waal barely mentions her work—and only to dismiss her, at that. In
an endnote in his 1996 book, Good Natured: The Origins of Right and
Wrong in Humans and Other Animals, he writes, “On the basis of her
reading of the literature, Power (1991) has argued that provisioning at
some field sites (such as Gombe’s banana camp) turned the
chimpanzees more violent and less egalitarian, and thus changed the
‘tone’ of relationships both within and between communities. Power’s
analysis—which blends a serious reexamination of available data with
nostalgia for the 1960s image of apes as noble savages—raises
questions that will no doubt be settled by ongoing research on
unprovisioned wild chimpanzees.”
This dismissal of Power’s analysis strikes us as unjustified and
uncharacteristically ungenerous. Regardless of whether or not she felt
“nostalgia for the 1960s” (an emotion we didn’t detect in her book), de
Waal admits her analysis “raises questions” that merit investigation.
These questions threaten to recast a great deal of data concerning
chimpanzee social interactions—of great interest to de Waal, one of the
world’s leading authorities on chimpanzee behavior and a man whose
scholarship demonstrates deep respect for critical analysis.
19. Ghiglieri (1999), p. 173.
20. For a review of these reports and a rebuttal to Power’s argument, see
Wilson and Wrangham (2003). The paper is available online at
http://anthro.annualreviews.org.
21. Nolan (2003).
22. Behar et al. (2008). Also, for an excellent review of this material, see
Fagan (2004).
23. Turchin (2003 and 2006).
24. Readers with mental images of Sioux (Lakota) chiefs with eagle-feather
war bonnets rippling in the wind should keep in mind that in the
generations before first contact with whites, disease spread through
many tribes and the arrival of horses brought severe cultural
disruptions, leading to conflict between groups that had been at peace
previously (see Brown, 1970/2001).
25. Edgerton (1992), pp. 90–104.
26. Ferguson (2003).
27. On Christmas Day, 1968, Apollo 8 astronaut Frank Borman read this
prayer to a world audience: “Give us, O God, the vision which can see
thy love in the world in spite of human failure. Give us the faith to trust
the goodness in spite of our ignorance and weakness. Give us the
knowledge that we may continue to pray with understanding hearts, and
show us what each one of us can do to set forth the coming of the day of
universal peace. Amen.”
28. Tierney (2000), p. 18. Tierney’s book sparked a conflagration that
makes any chimpanzee community seem downright pacific in
comparison. The bulk of the controversy concerns Tierney’s charges
that Chagnon and his colleague, James Neel, may have caused a fatal
epidemic among the Yanomami. Not having examined these charges in
detail, we have nothing to add to that discussion, limiting our critique to
Changnon’s methodology and scholarship as it applies to Yanomami
warfare.
29. By comparison, Chagnon’s total time among the Yanomami adds up to
about five years. Readers interested in knowing more about the
Yanomani might start with Good (1991). This is a very personal and
accessible account of his time living with them (and ultimately, taking a
wife there). Tierney (2000) outlines the case against Chagnon, though
going far beyond the critiques we’ve outlined here. Ferguson (1995)
offers an in-depth analysis of Chagnon’s calculations and conclusions.
For more of Ferguson’s views on the origins of war, the following two
papers can be downloaded from his departmental web page
(http://andromeda.rutgers.edu/socant/brian.htm): Tribal, “Ethnic,” and
Global Wars, and Ten Points on War, which includes a broad
discussion of biology, archaeology, and the Yanomami controversy.
Borofsky (2005) offers a balanced account of the controversy and the
context in which it occurred. Of course, Chagnon’s work is readily
available as well.
30. Quoted in Tierney (2000), p. 32.
31. Washington Post review of Darkness in El Dorado: Jungle Fever, by
Marshall Sahlins, Sunday, December 10, 2000, p. X01.
32. Chagnon (1968), p. 12.
33. Tierney (2000), p. 14.
34. Sponsel (1998), p. 104.
35. October 23, 2008.
Chapter 14: The Longevity Lie (Short?)
1. Note that these numbers are for demonstration purposes only. To keep it
simple (and since it’s meaningless anyway), we haven’t adjusted for
male/female size differences, regional variations in average infant
skeleton sizes, and so on.
2. October 6, 2008.
3. Adovasio et al. (2007), p. 129.
4. Gina Kolata, “Could We Live Forever?,” November 11, 2003.
5. Scientific American, March 6, p. 57.
6. Harris (1989), pp. 211–212.
7. http://www.gendercide.org/case_infanticide.html.
8. These numbers don’t include the selective abortion of female fetuses,
which is widespread in these countries. For example, Agence-France
Presse reports that selective abortions have left China with 32 million
more men than women, and that in just one year (2005), more than 1.1
million more boys than girls were born in China.
9. Philosopher Peter Singer has written thought-provoking books and essays
on the question of how to calculate the value of human versus
nonhuman life. See, for example, Singer (1990).
10. Cited in Blurton Jones et al. (2002).
11. Blurton Jones et al. (2002).
12. See Blurton Jones et al. (2002).
13. An excellent paper highly recommended to readers interested in these
matters is Kaplan et al. (2000). The paper can be downloaded at
Kaplan’s faculty website: www.unm.edu/~hebs/pubs_kaplan.html.
14. From the paper by Kaplan et al. cited above, p. 171.
15. Readers interested in seeing how these same agricultural curses are
playing out in the modern world might want to read Michael Pollan’s In
Defense of Food: An Eater’s Manifesto (2009).
16. Larrick et al. (1979).
17. Source: Diamond (1997).
18. Edgerton (1992), p. 111.
19. Cohen et al. (2009).
20. Horne et al. (2008).
21. While we’re on the subject of hammocks, we’d like to take this
opportunity to formally propose that hammocks—not spear points or
stone blades—were the first example of human technology. That no
hard evidence for this proposal has been unearthed is due to hammocks
being made of perishable fibers. (Who wants a stone hammock?) Even
chimps and bonobos fashion primitive hammocks by weaving together
tree branches for sleeping platforms.
22. See Sapolsky (1998) for an excellent overview of how stress affects us.
On the question of human/bonobo similarities concerning stress, it’s
interesting to note that when bombs fell near them in World War II, all
the bonobos in the zoo died from the stress the explosions caused, while
none of the chimps perished (according to de Waal and Lanting, 1998).
23. The New Yorker, June 26, 2006, p. 76.
Part IV: Bodies in Motion
1. This quote is taken from a debate between Gould on one side and Steven
Pinker and Daniel Dennett on the other. Well worth reading, if you like
high-brow discussion with plenty of low blows, is “Evolution: The
Pleasures of Pluralism,” The New York Review of Books 44(11): 47–52.
2. Potts (1992), p. 327.
Chapter 15: Little Big Man
1. Miller (2000), p. 169.
2. Though not always, as other factors can influence body-size dimorphism,
apart from the intensity of male-male mating conflict. See Lawler
(2009), for example.
3. Male Australopithecus (between three and four million years ago) are
thought to have been about fifty percent larger than females. Recent
papers suggest Ardipethicus ramidus, another supposed human ancestor
(thought to be a million or so years older than Australopithecus) was
closer to our 15 to 20 percent levels. But keep in mind that the muchballyhooed reconstruction of Ardipethicus ramidus relied upon bits and
pieces of many different individuals, so our sense of body size
dimorphism 4.4 million years ago is based upon educated guesses, at
best (White et al., 2009).
4. Lovejoy (2009).
5. http://www.psychologytoday.com/articles/200706/ten-politicallyincorrect-truths-about-human-nature.
6. Supplemental note. On sexual selection in relation to monkeys. Reprinted
from Nature, November 2, 1876, p. 18. http://sacredtexts.com/aor/darwin/descent/dom25.htm.
7. As we’ll discuss in the next chapter, the genital echo theory posits that
women developed pendulous breasts so that the cleavage would mimic
the (is there a scientific term for this?) butt-crack that so enticed our
primate ancestors. Following that line of reasoning, some argue that
fancily named lipstick serves to re-create the bright red “hinder ends”
that so perplexed poor Darwin.
8. See Baker and Bellis (1995) or Baker (1996) for the sperm-team theory.
9. Hrdy (1996) is a wonderfully erudite and engaging discussion of how
some of Darwin’s personal sexual hang-ups are reflected still in
evolutionary theory.
10. Supplemental note. On sexual selection in relation to monkeys.
Reprinted from Nature, November 2, 1876, p. 18. http://sacredtexts.com/aor/darwin/descent/dom25.htm.
11. Diamond (1991), p. 62.
Chapter 16: The Truest Measure of a Man
1. de Waal (2005), p. 113.
2. In Barkow et al. (1992), p. 299.
3. Barash and Lipton (2001), p. 141.
4. Pochron and Wright (2002).
5. Wyckoff et al. (2000). Other research looking into primate testicular
genetics has reinforced the impression that ancestral human mating
behavior more closely resembled the promiscuity of chimps than the
one-male-at-a-time gorillas. See, for example, Kingan et al. (2003), who
conclude that although “predicting the expected intensity of sperm
competition in ancestral Homo is controversial,…we find patterns of
nucleotide variability at SgI in humans to resemble more closely the
patterns seen in chimps than in gorillas.”
6. Short (1979).
7. Margulis and Sagan (1991), p. 51.
8. Lindholmer (1973).
9. For more on this, see work by Todd Shackelford, particularly
Shackelford et al. (2007). Shackelford generously makes most of his
published work available for free download at
http://www.toddkshackelford.com/publications/index.html.
10. Symons (1979), p. 92. Although we probably disagree with half of his
conclusions, and much of the science is out of date, Symons’s book is
well worth reading for its wit and artistry alone.
11. Harris (1989), p. 261.
12. Sperm competition is an area of passionate debate. Space limitations
(and quite possibly, readers’ interest) preclude us from a more thorough
discussion—especially concerning the highly controversial claims of
Baker and Bellis regarding sperm teams composed of specialized cells
acting as “blockers,” “kamakaze,” and “egg-getters.” For a scientific
review of their findings, see Baker and Bellis (1995). For a popularized
review, see Baker (1996). For a balanced discussion of the controversy
written by a third party, see Birkhead (2000), especially pp. 21–29.
13. Data primarily from Dixson (1998).
14. See, for example, Pound (2002).
15. Kilgallon and Simmons (2005).
16. Some readers will argue that these conventions in contemporary
pornography are expressions of female subjugation and degradation
rather than eroticism. Whether or not this is the case (a discussion we’re
going to sidestep at this juncture), one must still ask why it is being
expressed in this way, with these images, given that there are so many
ways of visibly humiliating a person. Some authorities believe the
practice of bukkake originated as a way of punishing adulterous women
in Japan—a somewhat less Puritanical Scarlet Letter, if you will (see,
for example, “Bake a Cake? Exposing the Sexual Practice of Bukkake,”
poster presented at the 17th World Congress of Sexology, by Jeff
Hudson and Nicholas Doong:
http://abstracts.co.allenpress.com/pweb/sexo2005/document/50214). If
you don’t know what bukkake is, and you’re even slightly prone to
being offended, please forget we even mentioned it.
Chapter 17: Sometimes a Penis Is Just a Penis
1. Frans de Waal suspects that bonobos have longer penises than humans, at
least relative to body size, but most other primatologists seem to
disagree with his assessment. In any case, there is no question that the
human penis is far thicker than that of any other ape, in absolute terms
or relative to body size, and far longer than that of any primate not
clearly engaged in extreme sperm competition.
2. Sherfey (1972), p. 67.
3. One species of gibbon, the black-crested gibbon (Hylobates concolor),
does in fact have an external, pendulous scrotum. Interestingly, this type
of gibbon may also be exceptional in not being strictly monogamous
(see Jiang et al., 1999).
4. Gallup (2009) offers an excellent summary of this material.
5. Dindyal (2004).
6. http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/health/7633400.stm 2008/09/24.
7. Harvey and May (1989), p. 508.
8. Writing in the Encyclopedia of Human Evolution, Robert Martin notes,
“Relative to body size, humans have a very low value for rmax—even
in comparison with other primates. This suggests that selection has
favoured a low breeding potential during human evolution. Any model
of human evolution should take this into account.” A low rmax value
along with the very high levels of sexual activity typical of humans is
yet another indication that sex has long functioned for nonreproductive
purposes in our species.
Similarly, while Dixson (1998) characterizes the seminal vesicles of
monogamous and polygynous primates (except the gelada baboon) as
vestigial or small, he classifies the human seminal vesicles as medium
—noting that “it is reasonable to propose that natural selection might
have favoured reduction in size of the vesicles under conditions where
copulation is relatively infrequent and the need for large ejaculate
volume and coagulum formation is reduced.” He goes on to propose
that “this might explain the very small size of the vesicles in primarily
monogamous [primates].”
9. BBC News online, July 16, 2003.
10. BBC News online, October 15, 2007.
11. Psychology Today, March/April 2001.
12. Barratt et al. (2009).
13. Hypothetically, one could try to falsify this hypothesis using data on
testicular volume and sperm production from some of the societies
we’ve discussed where sperm competition and partible paternity are in
effect. To this end, we’ve contacted every anthropologist we could
locate who has worked in the Amazon (or anywhere else with huntergatherers), but no one seems to have managed to gather these delicate
data. Still, even if it were found that males in these societies showed
higher testicular volume and sperm production, as our hypothesis
predicts, definitive confirmation of the hypothesis would be precluded
by the relative absence of the environmental toxins that are presumably
at least partly responsible for testicular atrophy in industrialized
societies.
14. BBC News online, December 8, 2006.
15. Diamond (1986).
16. W. A. Schonfeld, “Primary and Secondary Sexual Characteristics.
Study of Their Development in Males from Birth through Maturity,
with Biometric Study of Penis and Testes,” American Journal of
Diseases in Children 65, 535–549 (cited in Short, 1979).
17. Harvey and May (1989).
18. Baker (1996), p. 316.
19. Bogucki (1999), p. 20.
Chapter 18: The Prehistory of O
1. Maines’s book has become an underground sensation. Written as a
serious cultural history of the vibrator, the story she tells is surprising
and compelling. As we write, a play based on the book written by Sarah
Ruhl (In the Next Room) is playing on Broadway. A National Public
Radio story on the play is here:
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?
storyId=120463597&ps=cprs.
2. Quotes taken from Margolis (2004).
3. See Money (2000). Interestingly, semen depletion is central to the
ancient Taoist understanding of male health and sexuality as well. See,
for example, Reid (1989).
4. On Baker Brown, see Fleming (1960) and Moscucci (1996).
5. Coventry (2000).
6. Although the clitoris is often referred to as “the only organ in the human
body whose sole function is to provide pleasure,” there are two
problems with this observation. First, if female orgasm (pleasure) is
functional in the senses we outline (increases chances of fertilization,
inspires vocalizations, and thereby promotes sperm competition), then
there is clearly a purpose to the pleasure. Secondly, what about male
nipples? Not all men find them to be a site of pleasure, but they are
certainly highly enervated and serve no functional purpose.
7. Margolis (2004), pp. 242–243.
8. Ironically, according to archaeologist Timothy Taylor (1996), this image
of the Devil is thought to be derived from Cernunnos, the horned god,
who was the Celtic translation of Indian tantric practice and thus
originally a symbol of spiritual transcendence via sexual practice.
9. Coventry (2000).
10. Hrdy (1999b), p. 259.
11. Sherfey (1972), p. 113.
Chapter 19: When Girls Go Wild
1. Pinker (2002), p. 253.
2. Not to exclude women or gay men, but there is a dearth of scientific data
on this particular angle. Interestingly, though, several people have
reported to us anecdotally that when they’ve overheard their neighbors
(both gay male and lesbian couples) having sex, the partner they
considered to be the more feminine was the one who was making more
noise.
3. When the director, Rob Reiner, showed the screenplay to his mother, she
suggested that at the end of that scene, the camera cut to an older
woman in the restaurant about to order, who says, “I’ll have what she’s
having.” The line was so brilliant that Reiner told his mother he’d insert
it, but only if she agreed to deliver the line in the film, which she did.
4. Semple (2001).
5. Small (1993), p. 142.
6. Small (1993), p. 170.
7. Dixson (1998), pp. 128–129.
8. Pradhan et al. (2006).
9. These quotes are from Hamilton and Arrowood (1978).
10. The intensity of the female’s vocalizations could, for example, guide the
discerning male’s orgasmic response—thus increasing the chances of
simultaneous or near-simultaneous orgasm. As we discuss below, there
is evidence such timing could be to the male’s reproductive advantage.
11. The title, far from being the frat-boy declaration it may seem (“Without
tits, there is no paradise.”), is the name of a Colombian television drama
about young women who get breast implants hoping to attract the
attentions of local drug lords and thereby escape poverty.
12. For example, Symons (1979) and Wright (1994).
13. See Morris (1967), Diamond (1991), and Fisher (1992).
14. http://dir.salon.com/story/mwt/style/2002/05/28/booty_call/.
15. Though they can be considered permanently swollen, this is not to say
that breasts don’t change throughout a woman’s life (and menstrual)
cycle. They typically swell further at pregnancy, menstruation, and
orgasm (up to 25 percent greater than normal, according to Sherfey),
and diminish in size and fullness with age and breastfeeding.
16. Small (1993), p. 128.
17. Haselton et al. (2007). Available online at www.sciencedirect.com.
18. Many accounts of human sexuality incorporate this explanation, but that
of Desmond Morris is probably still the most widely known.
19. Dixson (1998), pp. 133–134.
20. Dixson refers specifically to macaques and chimps in this passage,
though he’s speaking of the capacity for multiple orgasm in female
primates in general in the section where the passage appears. Passages
like this led us to wonder why Dixson hadn’t followed the data to where
they seem to so clearly lead. We sent him an email outlining our
argument and requesting his comments and criticisms, but if he received
our message, he chose not to respond.
21. Symons (1979), p. 89.
22. Lloyd, a former student of Stephen Jay Gould, recently published an
entire book in which she reviews (and rather contemptuously dismisses)
the various adaptive arguments for the female orgasm (The Case of the
Female Orgasm: Bias in the Science of Evolution). For a sense of why
we don’t recommend her book, take a look at David Barash’s review,
available online (“Let a Thousand Orgasms Bloom”). Download at
http://www.epjournal.net/filestore/ep03347354.pdf.
23. As noted above, some of the findings of Baker and Bellis are highly
controversial. We mention them because they are known to many in the
general audience, but none of their findings are necessary to our
argument.
24. Barratt et al. (2009). Available online at http://jbiol.com/content/8/7/63.
25. Pusey (2001).
26. Both quotes appear in Potts and Short (1999). The first quote is from the
main text, page 38, and the second is quoting Laura Betzig, p. 39.
27. Dixson (1998), pp. 269–271. An excellent review of the development of
the concept of postcopulatory sexual selection can be found in Birkhead
(2000). Copious evidence for this filtering function can be found in
Eberhard (1996), where the author presents dozens of examples of
females exerting “post-copulatory control” over which sperm fertilize
their eggs.
28. Dixson (1998), p. 2.
29. Small (1993), p. 122.
30. Gallup et al. (2002).
Part V: Men Are from Africa, Women Are from Africa
1. Wright (1994), p. 58.
Chapter 20: On Mona Lisa’s Mind
1. Kendrick et al. (1998).
2. Baumeister (2000).
3. Chivers et al. (2007).
4. Much of the research reviewed here is mentioned in Bergner’s excellent
article “What Do Women Want?—Discovering What Ignites Female
Desire,” January 22, 2009. Link:
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/25/magazine/25desire-t.html.
5. Anokhin et al. (2006).
6. Georgiadis et al. (2006). Or, for a review: Mark Henderson, “Women
Fall into a ‘Trance’ During Orgasm,” Times Online, June 20, 2005.
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/life_and_style/health/article535521.ece.
7. Tarin and Gómez-Piquer (2002).
8. Little’s quote is from BBC News article:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/2677697.stm.
9. Wedekind et al. (1995). A more recent follow-up that confirms these
results is Santos et al. (2005).
10. Birth control pills don’t just interfere with women’s ability to sense
MHC in men, but appear to affect other feedback systems as well. See
Laeng and Falkenberg (2007), for example.
11. For a recent survey of this research, see Alvergne and Lummaa (2009).
12. This isn’t meant as an indictment of the pill. But in light of these
changes, we’d strongly recommend that couples spend several months
together using alternate forms of birth control before making long-term
plans.
13. Lippa (2007). Available online at
http://psych.fullerton.edu/rlippa/bbc_sexdrive.htm.
14. See Safron et al. (2007). A good review of related research is here:
http://www.wired.com/medtech/health/news/2004/04/63115?
currentPage=all.
15. Alexander and Fisher (2003).
Chapter 21: The Pervert’s Lament
1. Dixson (1998), p. 145.
2. Both these interviews appear on NPR’s This American Life, Episode
#220. Available via free download at iTunes or at www.thislife.org.
3. According to Reid (1989), it was considered wise and healthful for young
Chinese men to share their abundant sexual energies with older women,
who would benefit from absorbing the energy released by male orgasm;
likewise, it was felt that young women’s orgasms would infuse older
men with increased vitality. The same pattern is found in some foraging
societies, as well as among some South Pacific island cultures.
4. One example among many: Dabbs et al. (1991, 1995) found, “Offenders
high in testosterone committed more violent crimes, were judged more
harshly by the parole board, and violated prison rules more often than
those low in testosterone.”
5. Gibson (1989).
6. One wonders about the long-term social repercussions of widespread
sexual frustration in adolescent males. To what extent, for example, is
this frustration a contributing factor to the misogynistic rage many men
experience? How does this frustration affect young men’s willingness to
fight wars or join street gangs? While we don’t agree with arguments
like those advanced by Kanazawa (2007) claiming that Islam sanctions
polygyny in order to increase the male sexual frustration that creates a
pool of available suicide bombers, it’s hard to dismiss the notion that
intense frustration will often be expressed as misdirected rage.
7. Georgia has a serious problem with oral sex. Until 1998, it was illegal—
even between a married couple in their own bedroom—and punishable
by up to twenty years in prison.
8. For example, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?
storyId=102386952&ft=1&f=1001.
9. Fortenberry (2005).
10. All quotes from this section are taken from Prescott (1975).
11. See Elwin (1968) and Schlegel (1995).
12. “Some Thoughts on the Science of Onanism,” a speech delivered to the
Stomach Club, a society of American writers and artists.
13. Money (1985).
14. See http://www.cirp.org/library/statistics/USA/.
15. Money (1985), pp. 101–102.
16. These men believed that any spices or strong flavors excited sexual
energies, so they recommended bland diets to dampen the libido.
Graham crackers and unsweetened breakfast cereal were originally
marketed to parents of adolescent boys as foods that would help them
evade the evils of masturbation. For a fictionalized—though largely
accurate—depiction of these men and their movement, see Boyle
(1993).
17. Interestingly, Freud’s nephew, Edward Bernays, is considered one of
the founders of public relations and modern advertising. Among his
many famous ad campaigns was the first to associate cigarettes with
increased autonomy for women. In the 1920s, Bernays staged a
legendary publicity stunt still taught in business classes today. He
arranged to have fashion models march in New York’s Easter parade,
each with a lit cigarette and wearing a banner calling it a “torch of
liberty.” For more on this, see Ewen (1976/2001).
18. Farmers know that in order to get a bull to mate with the same cow
more than a few times, the bull has to be tricked into thinking it’s a
different cow. They do this by rubbing a blanket on another cow to
absorb her scent and then throwing it on top of the cow to be mated. If
the bull isn’t fooled into it, he’ll simply refuse—no matter how
attractive the cow may be.
19. Sprague and Quadagno (1989).
20. See, for example, the documentary film Rent a Rasta, written and
directed by J. Michael Seyfert: www.rentarasta.com, or the feature film
Heading South, directed by Laurent Cantet, about women going to Haiti
in the 1970s.
21. The New Yorker, July 6 and 13, 2009, p. 68.
22. Additionally, the so-called Westermarck effect appears to strongly
dissuade sex between close familiars.
23. See, for example, Gray et al. (1997 and 2002) and Ellison et al. (2009).
24. See, for example, Glass and Wright (1985).
25. Roney et al. (2009), but also see Roney et al. (2003, 2006, and 2007).
26. Davenport (1965).
27. Kinsey et al. (1948), p. 589.
28. Symons (1979), p. 232.
29. Bernard (1972/1982).
30. Berkowitz and Yager-Berkowitz (2008).
31. Symons (1979), p. 250.
32. See, for example, Roney et al. (2003). Regular aerobic exercise, lots of
garlic, stress avoidance, and plenty of sleep are also good ways to “keep
it up.” We should note that despite the anecdotal evidence, few
scientists have risked ridicule by applying for grants to study the
hormonal changes in philanderers. The phenomenon is well
documented in other mammals, however (see, for example, Macrides et
al., 1975). It’s possible the effect may be mediated not by actual
intercourse so much as by pheromones, which might explain the
bulusela shops where Japanese men purchase girls’ vaccum-packed (but
used) panties from vending machines. Enterprising graduate students
might want to consider research similar to Wedekind’s “Sweaty T-shirt
study,” but with women’s panties instead of men’s shirts in the plastic
bags, to see whether exposure to novel women’s genital pheromones
alone is enough to affect testosterone blood concentrations in men.
33. For example, for depression: Shores et al. (2004); heart disease: Malkin
et al. (2003); dementia: Henderson and Hogervorst (2004); mortality:
Shores et al. (2006).
34. Squire quoted by Phillip Weiss in his provocative article in New York
magazine: “The affairs of men: The trouble with sex and marriage.”
May 18, 2008. Available here:
http://nymag.com/relationships/sex/47055.
Chapter 22: Confronting the Sky Together
1. Wilson (1978), p. 148.
2. Holmberg (1969), p. 258.
3. “Is There Hope for the American Marriage?” Caitlin Flanagan Time, July
2, 2009.
http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1908243,00.html.
4. These quotes from Druckerman were taken from a review of her book in
The Observer, July 8, 2007.
5. Jaynes (1990), p. 67.
6. “What does marriage mean?” Dan Savage. In Salon.com, July 17, 2004:
http://www.salon.com/mwt/feature/2004/07/17/gay_marriage/index.html.
7. Squire quoted by Weiss in New York magazine: “The affairs of men: The
trouble with sex and marriage.” May 18, 2008. Available here:
http://nymag.com/relationships/sex/47055.
8. “Only You. And You. And You. Polyamory—relationships with
multiple, mutually consenting partners—has a coming-out party.” By
Jessica Bennett. Newsweek (Web Exclusive) July 29, 2009.
http://www.newsweek.com/id/209164.
9. Hrdy (2001), p. 91.
10. “Scenes from a group marriage.” By Laird Harrison. Salon.com.
http://mobile.salon.com/mwt/feature/2008/06/04/open_marriage/index.html.
11. http://andrewsullivan.theatlantic.com/the_daily_dish/2009/01/tedhaggard-a-1.html.
12. McElvaine (2001), p. 339.
13. Perel (2006), p. 192.
14. Gould (2000), pp. 29–31.
15. After all, in the 1970s, somebody bought nearly four million copies of
Open Marriage, by Nena and George O’Neill.
16. Perel (2006), pp. 192–194.
17. Burnham and Phelan (2000), p. 195.
18. Perel (2006), p. 197.
19. Bergstrand and Blevins Williams (2000).
20. Easton and Liszt (1997).
21. You can hear the press conference at
www.thisamericanlife.org/Radio_Episode.aspx?episode=95.
22. We first learned of this striking sun/moon relation in Weil (1980), a
fascinating book on the consciousness-altering potential of everything
from solar eclipses to perfectly ripe mangoes.
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SEARCHABLE TERMS
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Page numbers in italics refer to tables and illustrations
Abbey, Edward, 98
Abideen, Suhaila Zein al-, 119–20
abstinence, 283–84
Aché, 91–92, 119, 205, 206, 322n
açia relationships, 129
Acton, Dr. William (Lord), 39, 51
Adam and Eve, 35, 81–82
Adapted Mind, The (Barkow, Cosmides, and Tooby, eds.), 50–51
adolescents, 66, 282–85, 346n
adultery, 97–98, 121–22, 138, 142, 290, 340n
Adult Video Universe, 231
affluenza, 161–62
Africa, 106, 149, 159, 207, 241, 329n, 332n, 334n
aggression, 72, 129
of chimps, 64, 68, 70, 76, 189
of humans, 68, 71, 76
of monkeys, xi-xiii, 176
see also violence; war
agriculture, 12–15, 13, 21, 81–83, 87, 180, 211
harems and, 218
health and, 173, 175, 206–7
population growth and, 9, 33, 154, 156, 158, 169
radical change and, 9, 246
transition from foraging to, 8, 83, 173–75, 321n, 330n
war and, 191–92, 193
wealth disparities and, 162
Ainley, David, 135
Alamo, the, 19, 24
Alcmene, 228
Alexander, Michele, 277
Alkon, Amy, 26
alpha males, 10, 59–60
Alzheimer’s disease, 298
Amazon, 11, 90–91, 96, 103, 121, 125–26, 144, 184, 308n, 342n
American Journal of Cardiology, 209
American Medical Association, 2, 287
American Society of Plastic Surgery, 259
Amphitryon, 228
anal sex, 283
Anatomist, The (Andahazi), 251
Anatomy of Love, The (Fisher), 74, 114
Andahazi, Federico, 251
Anderson, Terry, 84, 321n–22n
Angier, Natalie, 168, 258–59
Angus, Ian, 170
Anokhin, Andrey, 274
anonymity, 171–72
Antarctica, 134–35
anthropology, 9, 11, 12, 15, 90–92, 105, 106, 108, 171, 185, 203, 342n
misinterpretation, misunderstanding and, 113, 116, 117, 118, 127, 133,
134, 137
antidepressants, 299
antigens, 228, 264
ape anatomy, multiple comparisons of, 224
apes, great, 61–78, 62
humans as, 1, 317n
penis lengths of, 235–36, 235
social organization among, 65–66
sperm competition among, 230
see also bonobos; chimpanzees; gorillas; orangutans
appearance, physical:
female, 47, 139, 140
male, 47, 55, 140
Appell, G. N., 169
Aquinas, Thomas, 252
archaeology, 14, 173, 193, 201, 205, 243, 318n, 329n
Ardipithecus ramidus, 216–17, 338n–39n
Aristotle, 228
Armelagos, George, 174
Arrowood, Patricia C., 257–58
Asante, 192–93
Asia, 207, 241, 242, 329n
attraction, sexual, 41, 57, 96, 123
attractiveness, male, 55, 275
Australia, 185, 238
Aborigines in, 11, 21–22, 164–65, 176, 185, 203
Australopithecus, 338n
Axelrod, Robert, 168
Aztecs, 192–93
baboons, 59, 62, 63, 65, 72, 116, 178–79
copulation calls of, 257, 258
gelada, 261, 341n
Bailey, Michael, 276–77
Baker, Robin R., 264, 340n, 344n
Baker Brown, Isaac, 250–51, 285
Balzac, Honoré de, 115
Barash, David, 225, 344n
Barcelona, 244
Bari, the, 322n
Barlow, John Perry, 320n
Barnes, Cynthia, 130–31, 134
Bateman, A. J., 51
BBC, 116, 161, 204, 235, 271, 276
Beach, Frank, 96
Beagle, HMS, 26, 31, 164, 181
Beckerman, Stephen, 90–91, 92, 103, 308n
beef, 237, 242
Bellis, Mark, 264, 340n, 344n
Belliveau, Jeannette, 289
Bergner, Daniel, 273, 345n
Berman, Morris, 68
Bernard, Jessie, 295
Bernays, Edward, 347n
Berns, Gregory S., 168
betrayal, 4, 167–68, 297, 300
Betzig, Laura, 112
Beyond War (Fry), 193
Bhutan, 221–22
Bible, 81–82, 98, 138, 205, 233–34, 327n
Genesis in, 35, 163, 233
life span in, 53
Psalms in, 200
Bird-David, Nurit, 174
birds, 36, 118, 136–37, 243
Birdsell, Joseph, 203
Birkhead, Tim, 54
birth control, 40, 57
birth control pills, 76, 275, 345n, 346n
bisexuality, 276–77
bluebirds, 136
Bodley, John, 171–72
body fat, low, 159
body-size dimorphism, 215–19, 222, 224, 242, 338n–39n
body-weight ratios, 205
Boehm, Christopher, 179
Bogucki, Peter, 100, 243
Bolivia, 145
Bolton, Michael, 146
bonding, 104, 149, 171, 308
female-female, 65, 78
group, 317n
mother-child, 106–7
in social organization of apes, 65–66
bone studies, 193, 201, 202, 204–5, 216–17
health and, 173–74, 175
bonobos, 61–65, 62, 69–75, 82, 216–20, 222, 224, 230, 239, 246, 258, 338n
body-size dimorphism in, 216–19
chimps compared with, 69–72, 77–78, 97, 101
copulation duration in, 236, 236
female sexual capacity of, 58, 69, 72–74, 101, 102, 239, 268
group sex of, 12
human erotic response to, 272, 273
humans compared with, 1, 61–62, 63, 69, 72–74, 77–78, 85, 97, 101–
2, 102, 134, 225, 234, 240, 242, 243, 245–46, 260, 322n, 334n
multimale-multifemale mating systems of, 45, 66
penis of, 235, 341n
separation of chimps from, 62, 74, 320n
social organization of, 63–64, 65–66, 191
swellings of, 260, 261–62, 261
testicles of, 220, 222, 223, 225, 226–27, 234, 240
warfare and, 186–87, 197–98, 334n
Borman, Frank, 336n
Botswana, 11, 119, 176, 206
Bowlby, John, 29
brain, 8, 140, 171, 205, 216, 274, 321n
Bailey’s fMRI scans of, 276–77
big, 34, 84, 85, 94
cooperation and, 168
of vampire bats, 100
Brazil, 96, 103, 119, 121
infant deaths in, 203
breastfeeding, 7, 13, 42, 77, 111, 159, 259–60, 330n, 344n
sharing of, 11, 105
breasts, 13, 35, 224, 259–62, 339n, 344n
augmentation of, 259, 344n
Bristol, University of, 238
Brooks, Nick, 327
Brown, Janelle, 260
Bruhn, John, 162
Bryan, William Jennings, 182
Bubonic plague, 207
bukkake, 340n
bulla, 233
bulusela, 348n
Burkino Faso, 105–6
Burma, 140
Buss, David, 53, 55, 141–45
butt bra, 260, 261
butt-crack, 260, 339n
buttocks, 260, 261
Caesar, Julius, 95
Caesar and Cleopatra (Shaw), 172
Cai Hua, 129
California, 140, 205
Cambridge University, 161
Campbell, Joseph, 22
Canada, 190
cancer, 206, 209, 238, 297–98
Canela, 103, 120, 138, 146
Cantet, Laurent, 347n
Carter, C. Sue, 136
Cartwright, Samuel, 118
Case of the Female Orgasm, The (Lloyd), 344n
casual sexuality, 6, 9–10, 69, 93, 120, 137, 179, 302
of Mosuo, 127–31
Catholic Church, 3, 157, 281, 306–7
Caton, Hiram, 322n
Caucasians, 241
Central America, 99–100, 253
Cernunnos, 343n
cervical canal, 234
cervix, 265, 266
Chagnon, Napoleon, 183, 194–97, 336n
Chamberlain, Wilt, 218
Chapin, Henry, 111
Cherlin, Andrew J., 41
Chernela, Janet, 108
Chesterton, G. K., 19, 134
child abuse, 3, 38, 281, 283, 284–88
child care, 6, 94, 105–6, 128, 149, 179
children, 99, 101, 105–12, 148, 162, 306, 310
divorce and, 300
Harris lines in, 173
illegitimate, 324n
immunity of, 275, 276
see also infanticide; infant mortality; paternity certainty; pregnancy
Chile, 329n
chimpanzees, 61–76, 62, 70, 191, 216–20, 224, 246, 258, 322n, 338n, 339n
body-size dimorphism in, 216–19
bonobos compared with, 69–72, 77–78, 97, 101
copulation duration in, 236, 236
female sexual capacity of, 12, 69, 239, 268
food sharing of, 67, 70
humans compared with, 1, 61–65, 67, 68, 73, 77–78, 84, 225, 234,
240, 242, 243, 245–46, 260, 263, 334n
multimale-multifemale mating systems of, 45, 66
orgasm in, 263, 344n
penis of, 235, 236
separation of bonobos from, 62, 74, 320n
sperm competition and, 230
swellings of, 260, 261
testicles of, 10, 220, 223, 225, 226–27, 234, 240
violence and war of, 64–65, 67–70, 186–90, 193, 197–98, 334n–35n
China, 126–31, 191, 241, 346n
abortions in, 337n
infanticide in, 204
Chivers, Meredith, 272–73, 278
Christianity, 97, 157, 164, 323n
chromosomes, 238, 239
circumcision, 286–87
civilization, 181, 209, 330n
masturbation and, 249
poverty and, 161, 163
clan affiliations, 108
“classic explanation” (Fisher), 59, 60
climate change, 191, 330n
clitorectomies, 250–51
clitoris, 140, 250–52, 287, 342n–43n
Cochran, Gregory, 226
Cohen, Sheldon, 208
Colapinto, John, 121
Colbert, Stephen T., 269
colds, 206, 208
college students, as research subjects, 142–43
Colombo, Matteo Realdo, 251–52
Columbus, Christopher, 207
commitment, 23, 57, 128
communism, 171–72
community, 8, 162, 167, 171, 212, 310
meme and, 166
companionship, 2, 31, 81
competition, 66, 158, 162, 180, 188, 329n–30n
female, 55
male, 42, 43, 55, 76, 101, 133, 216–22, 225, 235
sperm, see sperm competition
Comstock, Anthony, 287–88
conception, 90–91, 96, 262, 266
condoms, 240–41, 262, 267, 283
confirmation bias, 117
Congo, Democratic Republic of (formerly Zaire), 71
Conjugal Lewdness (Defoe), 122
consortship, 116
Constant Battles (Le Blanc), 23
continual responsiveness, 101
Cook, James, 95
Coolidge, Calvin, 288–89
Coolidge effect, 289–93, 297
cooperation, 70, 188, 223
of bonobos, 64
in child care, 105–6
human, 65, 66, 68, 75, 77, 100, 102, 105–6, 139, 151, 160, 168, 177–
78, 212
copulatory plugs, 234
Cortés, Hernán, 19, 34
cortisol, 208
cosmology, 3–4
crime, 283, 346n
Crocker, Jean, 103, 120
Crocker, William, 103, 120, 146
Crystal, Billy, 256
cultural influence, 22, 23, 37–38, 83, 241–42, 274, 284
Curripaco, 119
Dagara, 105–6
D’Aluisio, Faith, 21
Daly, Martin, 49, 227
Danes, 237
Dangerfield, Rodney, 288
Darkness in El Dorado (Tierney), 195, 336n
Dark Side of Man, The (Ghiglieri), 23, 186–87
Darwin, Charles, 4, 23, 25–33, 42–44, 100, 136, 153–60, 219–22, 243,
318n, 339n
autobiography of, 30, 154
on equality, 163
on female reticence, 27, 39, 40, 42, 51, 96, 229, 266
on harem-based system, 217
on jealousy, 138
kinship terms and, 108
Malthus’s influence on, 27, 154, 155, 164, 328n
on mother-child bond, 106–7
natural selection and, 33, 35–36, 42, 99, 155
respect for Morgan, 43, 44
sexual experience of, 31, 288
sexual selection and, 26, 39, 42, 221, 266
Darwin, Emma Wedgwood, 31, 221
Darwin, Erasmus (grandfather), 29, 30, 36, 318n–19n
Darwin, Erasmus (Charles’s brother), 318n, 328n
Darwin, Henrietta (Etty), 30
Davenport, William, 294
Dawkins, Richard, 68, 148, 153, 166, 177–78
de Bernières, Louis (Corelli’s Mandolin), 301
Deacon, Terrence W., 84
deceptiveness, 35, 38
Decreta and Cum in unum (papal decree), 3
Defoe, Daniel, 122
Demonic Males (Wrangham and Peterson), 23, 186, 187
demons, 252, 253
dental eruption, 205
Depardieu, Gérard, 20
depression, 267, 297–98
Descent of Man, The (C. Darwin), 25, 30, 155, 266
DeSteno, David A., 144–45
Destroying Angel, The (Money), 286
detribalization, 22, 165
Devil, 252, 343n
de Waal, Franz, 53, 69, 76–77, 178, 188, 321n, 335n
on bonobos, 69, 71, 72, 75, 96–97, 101, 341n
de Waal, Franz (cont.)
on pair bonds, 77, 115
on promiscuity, 225
Diamond, Jared, 9, 175, 222, 331n
Diamond, Lisa, 278
Dickson Mounds, 173–74
“Discourse on the Origin of Inequality” (Rousseau), 87
disease, 10, 174, 202, 203, 206–10, 207, 336n
heart, 162, 206, 209, 210, 238, 297–98
hysteria, 247–48, 250, 251
masturbation and, 250
slavery and, 118, 254
syphilis, 130, 206, 250
testosterone and, 297–98
tuberculosis, 178–79, 206, 207
“Diseases and Peculiarities of the Negro Race” (Cartwright), 118
divorce, 4, 41–42, 97, 119, 120, 122, 299–300
Dixon, Dwight, 308
Dixon, Joan, 308
Dixson, Alan F., 45, 234, 257, 265, 266, 341n
on female orgasm, 263, 344n
on paraphilias, 280
DNA, 61–62, 70, 136–37, 158, 159–60, 264, 332n
environmental catastrophe and, 160, 191
in sperm cells, 237, 238
testicles and, 226–27, 243
dolphins, 322n
dominance:
female, 71–72, 133–34
male, 75, 133, 218, 229
Dongba, 127
Donne, John, 213
dopamine, 168
double-blind methodology, 117
double standard, 26, 35
drapetomania, 118, 254
Drucker, Doris, 111
Druckerman, Pamela, 303
Dugum Dani, 184–85, 184, 333n
Dunbar, Robin, 171
Dunbar’s number, 171
dysaethesia aethiopica, 118
East Anglia, University of, 330n
Easton, Dossie, 310
Ebola, 207
Ecological Implications of Minilivestock (Paoletti), 21
economic game theory, 49, 52
economics, 166–72, 330n
Homo economicus and, 166–68
scarcity-based, 180
sexual, 48–51
tragedy of the commons and, 169–70
ecosystems, 160
Ecuador, 206
Edgerton, Robert, 124, 192–93, 207
egalitarianism, 93, 162, 163, 166, 176, 179, 182–83, 335n
fierce, 9, 11, 100–101
Egalitarians, The (Power), 187–89
eggs (ovum), 25, 53, 55, 220, 226, 235, 265, 266, 267
Egypt, 119–20
Einstein, Albert, 113
ejaculations, 12, 86, 220–21, 222, 227–29, 231, 235, 243
chemicals in, 228
copulation calls and, 258
health and, 238
seminal volume in, 236
Elders, Joycelyn, 287
Encounters at the End of the World, 135
Encyclopedia of Human Evolution, 341n
enemas, 286
Engels, Friedrich, 43
England, 157, 164, 181, 191
commons in, 169, 170
environment, 84, 101, 241–42
body and, 215
catastrophes and, 160, 191, 330n
genetics and, 36
toxins in, 237, 240, 342n
Ephron, Nora, 292
erections, 233, 286–87
Erikson, Philippe, 94, 108
Essay on the Principle of Population, An (Malthus), 154–55, 169
estrogen-like compounds, 237
Ethical Slut, The (Easton and Liszt), 310
Europe, 142, 159, 207, 241, 289, 294, 329n, 334n
foundling hospitals of, 111, 203
medieval, 252
Eve’s Seed (McElvaine), 111
evolution, 46, 58
Darwin’s views on, 27–33, 35–36
rapid change in, 226–27
evolutionary psychology (EP), 23, 36–39, 42, 48–53, 114, 122, 177, 214,
324n
human universal and, 115
paternity certainty and, 49
Evolution of Cooperation, The (Axelrod), 168
Evolution of Human Sexuality, The (Symons), 51, 57–58, 126, 295–96
exclusivity, sexual, 48–50, 97, 98, 122, 136
extinction, 160, 191, 293, 329n–30n
extra-pair copulations (EPCs), 57, 96, 121, 125
Fagan, Brian, 321n, 330n
Fall, the, 35, 81–82
family, 2, 6, 41, 53, 75, 107, 109–12, 276, 293, 297, 300
Morgan’s views on, 43
Mosuo, 127, 128
nuclear, 4, 5, 34, 54, 66, 77, 106, 109–10, 115, 116, 117, 216, 219,
242, 246, 263, 306, 310
polyamorous, 305–6, 310
family values, 3
famine, 21–22, 154, 169–70
fascinum, 233
fathers, 108, 109, 112, 128
multiple, 92, 94, 322n
see also paternity; paternity certainty
fear, 147–48, 329n
Feinstein, David, 32
Female Choices (Small), 116
Ferguson, Brian, 193, 194, 336n
fertility, 124, 220, 237–40, 260–62, 292, 343n
fertilization, 264–65, 266
fetus, 90–91, 105
fidelity, sexual, 10, 120–21, 129, 305, 309, 310, 311
female, 7, 15, 48–50, 54, 142
finches, 36, 243
Finkel, Michael, 325n
Finkers, Juan, 195
Fisher, Helen, 34, 49, 59, 60, 72–76, 114, 137, 305
Fisher, Maryanne, 327n
Fisher, Terry, 277
FitzRoy, Robert, 164
Flanagan, Caitlin, 302–3
Flatheads, 327n
Flaubert, Gustave, 253
Flintstones, The, 32, 319n
Flintstonization, 31–36, 48, 75, 76, 107, 117
Florida State University, 52
Flynt, Larry, 5
food, 8, 49, 54, 59, 125–26, 139, 149, 160, 173–76, 302, 330n, 333n
caloric reduction and, 208–9
conflict over, 160, 188, 190
Garden of Eden and, 81–82
food (cont.)
masturbation and, 288, 347n
sexual anatomy and, 237, 240, 242
sharing of, 6, 11, 34, 67, 70, 78, 99–100, 141, 174, 179
surplus and storage of, 68, 173, 174
taste in, 20–22, 165
see also agriculture
food additives, 237, 240
Food and Drug Administration, 21
foraging, 9, 11–14, 21, 44, 54, 67, 76, 82, 93, 131–32, 173–77, 179–81,
205–6, 210, 317n, 346n
delayed-return (complex), 11n
egalitarianism and, 9, 11, 100–101, 176, 179, 182–83
immediate-return (simple), 11n, 190, 332n, 333n
infanticide and, 203
population growth and, 156, 159, 328n, 329n
research subjects and, 143–44
sedentary, 332n–33n
social life and, 87–88, 94, 100, 139, 160
transition to farming from, 8, 83, 173–75, 321n, 330n
uneconomic man and, 181
war and, 182–85, 184, 190, 193, 332n–33n
Ford, Clellan, 96
foundling hospitals, 111, 203, 324n
Fourier, Charles, 43
Fowles, John, 28, 318n
France, 157, 203, 303
Franklin, Benjamin, 113, 324n
Freeman, Derek, 323n
French Lieutenant’s Woman, The (Fowles), 28
Freud, Sigmund, 28, 43, 271, 279, 288
Friedman, David, 233–34
Fromm, Erich, 179
fruit flies, sperm of, 229–30
frustration, sexual, 282–83, 284, 346n
illness and, 10, 247
Fry, Doug, 193
Fuegia, Fuegians, 164
Galápagos, 36, 243
Galileo Galilei, 3, 254
Gallup, Gordon G., 235, 267
Galton, Francis, 37
gangbang, 231
Garber, Paul, 188
Garden of Eden, 81–82
Gawande, Atul, 321n–22n
Gebusi, 184–85, 184, 194
Gekko, Gordon, 152
generosity, 54, 68, 70, 72, 76, 139, 163, 167, 177, 212
genetic economics of sex, 49
genetics, genes, 26, 36, 37–38, 54, 57, 94n, 107, 293
compatibility and, 264–65, 276
egalitarianism and, 100–101
as legacy, 49, 56
male vs. female agenda and, 25
meme compared with, 166
monogamy, 326n–27n
paternity certainty and, 25, 54, 56, 141
genital echo theory, 260, 339n
genital-genital (G-G) rubbing, 78
genital mutilation, 250–51, 253
genitals, male, 84, 215
see also penis; scrotum; testicles geophagy, 330n
Georgia, oral sex in, 283, 346n–47n
Gere, Richard, 50
Germany, 111
Getz, Lowell L., 136
Ghiglieri, Michael, 116, 189
gibbons, 1, 62, 62, 63, 66, 221, 223, 224, 236, 242
black-crested (Hylobates concolor), 341n
body-size dimorphism and, 216, 219
monogamy of, 62, 64, 66, 224, 246, 263, 268, 341n
penis of, 234
Gibran, Kahlil, 105
Gladwell, Malcolm, 171
goats, 272, 280
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 113, 303
Goldberg, Steven, 132–33, 326n
Gombe, 67, 187–88, 268, 335n
gonorrhea, 250
Good, Kenneth, 195, 197, 336n
Goodall, Jane, 65, 67, 116, 183, 187–90, 193, 268
Good Natured (de Waal), 335n
gorillas, 1, 10, 61, 62, 62, 63, 71, 187, 221–27, 224, 239, 242, 339n
body-size dimorphism and, 215, 216
copulation duration in, 236, 236
“Silverback” male, 66, 222
sperm competition and, 230, 236
testicles of, 222, 223, 225, 226–27
Gould, Stephen Jay, 61, 71, 214, 226, 263–64
Gould, Terry, 308
Gowaty, Patricia Adair, 136
Gowdy, John, 166, 180, 181
Graham, Sylvester, 287–88
grandmothers, 107
gratitude, 92
Great Britain, 21–22, 247, 303
Greece, 175
greed, 153, 166, 167
Greeks, ancient, 39–40, 95, 228
Gregor, Thomas, 103
group leveling, 93
group marriage (the primal horde; omnigamy), 43–44, 72, 112
groups, 9–12, 83, 93–97, 317n
cohesion of, 93–96, 102, 103, 139
conflict reduction in, 139
sharing of, 99–100
size of, 170–71, 190–91, 223
group sex, 12, 29, 124, 137, 231–32, 278
Guevara, Che, 307
H1N1 (swine flu), 208
Hadza, 205, 325n
Haggard, Ted, 3, 307
Haiti, 347n
Hamilton, Clive, 161
Hamilton, William J., 257–58
Hamilton Beach Company, 248
Hamlet (Shakespeare), 305
Hamm, Jon, 319n
Hansbury, Griffin, 281–82
happiness, 47, 52–53, 113
Hardin, Garrett, 169–70
Hare, Brian, 68
harems, 217, 218, 222–23
Harpending, Harry, 226
Harris, Christine, 144
Harris, Marvin, 63, 90, 171, 175, 176, 229
Harris lines, 173
Harrison, Laird, 306
Harvey, William, 246
Haselton, Martie, 262
Hawks, John, 329n–30n
Hawkesworth, James, 95
Heading South, 347n
health, 173–74, 175, 202, 206–8, 211, 238, 276
see also disease
Health and Diseases of Women, The, 247
Heartburn, 292
heart disease, 162, 206, 209, 210, 238, 297–98
height, 200–201
Hendrix, Jimmi, 307
Hepburn, Katharine, xi Hera, 39–40
Heracles, 228
Herzog, Werner, 135
He’s Just Not Up for It Anymore, 295
hierarchy, 179, 218
of bonobos, 71
of chimps, 66, 67, 68
of humans, 9, 68, 76, 143, 190
Hierarchy in the Forest (Boehm), 179
Highmore, Nathaniel, 247
h’ik’al, 253
Hill, Kim, 92, 322n
Hinduism, 97
Hippocrates, 247
Hobbes, Thomas, 27, 32, 33, 151, 156–60, 172, 173
chimpanzees and, 64, 65, 69, 76
solitariness and, 27, 32, 87, 88, 151, 160
Holmberg, Allan, 145, 302
Holt’s Diseases of Infancy and Childhood, 251
Homo economicus, 166–68
Homo erectus, 10, 329n
homosexuality, 78, 103–4, 247, 302, 306–7, 309, 318n, 343n
erotic plasticity and, 272, 273
sex drive, desire and, 276–77
suicide and, 282
Hooker, Joseph, 222
Houghton, Walter, 29
Hrdy, Sarah Blaffer, 59–60, 106, 138, 221, 253, 305, 339n
Huli, 89, 184–85, 184, 333n
Human Animal, The, 116
Hume, David, 61
Hungry Planet (Menzel and D’Aluisio), 21
hunter-gatherer. See foraging
Hurtado, M., 322n
hypersexuality, 12, 85–87, 97
hypoplasias, 173
hyposexuality, 85
hysteria, 247–48, 250, 251
Ice Storm, The, 308
identity, collective, 87–88
I Don’t (Squire), 300
Illinois Valley, Dickson Mounds in, 173–74
immunological compatibility, 264, 275
incest, 293
India, 122, 204, 285
Indian Council of Medical Research, 241
Indonesia, 132–33
infanticide, 64, 77, 111, 187, 203–4
infant mortality, 174, 201–4, 324n
infants, 284, 293
infertility, 100, 238, 240
infidelity, emotional, 144–45
male, 55–56, 142, 144
infidelity, sexual, 7, 144–45, 303, 327n
female, 8, 55, 56, 141, 142, 228, 229
Inquisition, 3, 254
insects, 21, 22, 209
Insel, Thomas, 136, 326n
intelligence, 68, 84, 179
In the Next Room (Ruhl), 342n
intimacy:
emotional, 2, 55–56, 142, 278, 289, 304
sexual, 7, 23, 289, 304
Inuit, 121
Invisible Sex, The, 201
Iphicles, 228
Iran, adultery in, 97
Ireland, 169–70
Iroquois, 42–43
Islam, 97, 119–20, 346n
Ismail the Bloodthirsty, 218
Italian immigrants, 162
Ivory Coast, 67, 70
Jacob, 233
Jamaica, 289, 347n
Japan, 210, 241, 289, 340n, 348n
Jaynes, Julian, 303
jazz, jism, 86, 322n
jealousy, 10, 23, 64, 129, 138–47
Buss’s study of, 55, 141–45
fear and, 147–48
female, 55–56, 142
lack of, 92, 93
male, 35, 55, 56, 57, 92, 93, 141, 142
Jefferson Airplane, 307
Jethá, Cacilda, 120, 202
jewelry, 57, 262, 323n
Jivaro, 184–85, 184, 333n
Johanowicz, Denise, 178
John Paul II, Pope, 3
Johnson, Eric Michael, 72, 97–98
Johnson, Virginia, 294
John XXI, Pope (Peter of Spain), 40
Jones, Ernest, 288
Judaism, 97
Jung, Carl, 293
Kalahari Desert, 175, 176
Kama Sutra, 253, 256, 268
Kanazawa, Satoshi, 217, 346n
Kano, Takayoshi, 71
Kant, Immanuel, 158
Keeley, Lawrence, 184, 332n–33n
Kellogg, John Harvey, 285–88
Kendrick, Keith, 272
Kennedy, Robert, 194
Kenya, baboons in, 178–79
Khan, Ghengis, 218
Kibale Forest, 189
Kiefer, Otto, 124–25
Ki-Kongo, 86
“killer ape” theory of human origins, 64–65, 76
King, Martin Luther, Jr., 194
Kinsey, Alfred, 98, 231, 263, 294
kinship, 107, 108
Kipnis, Laura, 41
kissing, 77, 278
Kissinger effect, 55
klismaphilia, 286
Knauft, Bruce, 185
Knight, Chris, 101
Korotayev, Andrey, 191
Krafft-Ebing, Richard von, 250
Kraus, Karl, 287
Kremen, Gary, 161
Krippner, Stanley, 32
K-selected species, 328n
Kulina, 89, 94n, 105, 125–26
Kundera, Milan, 296
!Kung San, 11, 119, 175, 176
life expectancy of, 205–6
Kwakiutl, 190, 192–93
Laertes, 305
land, 13, 14, 163, 190, 192
population growth and, 203–4
tragedy of the commons and, 169–70
language, 84–85, 94, 188
Mosuo, 127, 128
Larrick, James, 206
Lea, Vanessa, 108
Lectures on Jurisprudence (Smith), 176–77
Lee, Richard, 176, 206
Lehrman, Sally, 322n
Leipzig, Adam, 135
Le Jeune, Paul, 107, 174
Leonardo da Vinci, 271
lesbians, 273, 276–77, 302, 309
Letters from the Earth (Twain), 81, 244, 290
leucocytes, 228, 264, 265
Leviathan (Hobbes), 157
libido, 2, 86, 243, 304, 329n
female, 38–39, 47–48, 51–52, 248, 254, 275
male, 40, 47, 52, 221, 276–77, 281–82, 293–96, 299
life expectancy, 201–2, 205–6, 207
Lifestyle, The (Gould), 308
Limited Wants, Unlimited Means (Gowdy), 180
Linnaeus, Carl, 63
Lippa, Richard, 276
Lipton, Judith, 225
Lishner, David A., 145
Liszt, Catherine, 310
Little, Tony, 275
Lloyd, Elisabeth, 263–64, 344n
London, 29, 31, 110–11, 156
longevity, 200–212
infant mortality and, 201–4
stress and, 208–10
Lotz, Jeff, 201
love, 29, 72, 121–22, 137, 213, 295, 297
free, 307, 319n
lust vs., 113–14
monogamy vs., 303, 304, 309
mother’s, 106
music and, 146–47
parental, 38, 107, 148
paternal, 53
romantic, 6, 38, 41, 128, 145
sex vs., 6, 26, 29, 56, 298
Lovejoy, Owen, 10n, 34, 216–17
Loves of the Plants (E. Darwin), 318n–19n
Lowry, Rich, 134–35
Lugu Lake, 126–31
Lusi, 89
lust, 113–14
Lust in Translation (Druckerman), 303
lying, 270, 277, 298–99, 310
macaques, 62, 63, 178, 265
copulation calls of, 257
orgasm in, 263, 344n
MacArthur, R. H., 328n
McDonald, Roger, 26
McElvaine, Robert S., 111, 307
Madame Bovary (Flaubert), 252–53
Madsen, David, 174–75
Mae Enga, 184–85, 184, 333n
Magesa, Laurenti, 153
Magna Carta, 14
Maher, Bill, 41, 319n
Maines, Rachel, 247–48, 342n
major histocompatibility complex (MHC), 275, 345n, 346n
Malaysia, monkeys in, xi-xiii
male parental investment (MPI), 7, 13, 26, 35, 48, 49, 51–55, 57, 60, 324n
Malinowski, Bronislaw, 110–11, 112, 115
Malleus Maleficarum, The, 252
malnutrition, 173, 174
Malthus, Thomas, 27, 32, 33, 154–60, 163, 328n, 329n
Hardin compared with, 169–70
mamuse (ritual relations), 121
Mangaia, 263, 284–85
Manson, Charles 194
Marand-anim, 124
March of the Penguins, 134–35
Margolis, Jonathan, 251–52
Margulis, Lynn, 227
Marind-anim, 89
marital-industrial complex, 4–5
marriage, 2–6, 40–41, 47, 53, 58, 75, 113–27, 129–30, 137, 290–300, 302–
5, 328n
ceremonies for, 121, 138
as corporate merger, 85
Darwin’s views on, 31, 138
failure of, 2, 3, 4, 41, 112, 302–3, 308–9
group (the primal horde; omnigamy), 43–44, 72, 112
legal protection of, 109–10
monogamous, 2, 41, 112, 293–96, 298, 304, 309
open, 307–10
same-sex, 109
sexually dysfunctional, 23
swingers and, 307–8
unattractive depictions of, 2, 38, 41, 50
universality of, 54, 115–18
Martin, Robert, 341n
Martineau, Harriet, 328n
Marx, Karl, 43, 172
Masters, William, 294
masturbation, 242, 247–51, 285–88, 347n
mate guarding behavior, 59
mating, mate, 114, 116–17, 122–23, 141, 210
multimale-multifemale, 218, 263, 265
sharing of, 12, 121, 137, 141, 146
Mating in Captivity (Perel), 307
Matis, 94–95, 108
matriarchy, 71–72, 133–34
Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, 201
Mead, Margaret, 323n
Mean Genes (Burnham and Phelan), 23, 309
measles, 207, 207
Mehinaku, 103
Melanesia, Melanesians, 124, 294, 295
Melville, Herman, 31
meme, 166
Menand, Louis, 117, 211
menarche, 159
menstrual cycle, 57, 59, 72–73, 77, 240, 274–75, 322n, 344
n see also ovulation
Middle Ages, 121–22
midlife crisis, 292
Mill, John Stuart, 167
Miller, Alan S., 217
Miller, Arthur, 306
Miller, Geoffrey F., 215, 227, 234
Minangkabau, 132–33, 132, 326n
Mind of Its Own (Friedman), 233–34
misogyny, 346n
mixed strategies, 55–58, 60, 245
Mohave, 95
Mona Lisa (Leonardo), 271, 278, 279
Money, John, 286, 287
monkeys, 61, 62, 62, 63, 178, 198, 209, 219, 221
in Malaysia, xi-xiii
monogamy, 4, 11, 29, 75, 76, 97, 98, 102, 114, 141, 223, 231, 243, 245, 270
body-size dimorphism and, 216–17, 219, 242
development of, 25
difficulties with, 12
of gibbons, 62, 64, 66, 224, 246, 263, 268, 341n
infertility and, 240
in marriage, 2, 41, 112, 293–96, 298, 304, 309
mating calls and, 256, 257
monotony and, 293–96
as natural, 5, 34, 41, 47, 134–37
serial, 299–300
sperm competition and, 228, 239
Montagnais Indians, 107, 174
Montaigne, Michel, 233
Moral Animal, The (Wright), 52–53, 270
Morgan, Lewis Henry, 42–45, 72, 110, 112
Mormon crickets (Anabrus simplex), 174–75
Morris, Desmond, 7, 93, 97, 108–9, 116
Most Dangerous Animal, The (Smith), 186
Mosuo, 126–32, 131, 134
mothers, 105–12, 128
single, 26, 49, 310
surrogate, 107
Mothers and Others (Hrdy), 106
Mozambique, 120, 202–3
Mr. Darwin’s Shooter (McDonald), 26
multimale-multifemale mating systems, 45, 66
murder, 127, 187, 194
Murderer Next Door, The (Buss), 23
Murdock, George, 117
Muria, 285
Murngin, 184–85, 184, 333n
mushroom, stinkhorn (Phallus ravenelii), 30
music, 86, 146–47, 317n, 322n
myth, 32, 33–34, 50, 167
Greek, 39–40, 228
Naked Ape, The (Morris), 97
Namowei, 195
Native Americans, 329n, 335n–36n
conical-head shaping of, 140, 140, 141, 327n
natural selection, 33, 35–36, 42, 51, 99, 155, 223, 238, 318n, 341n
“natural” vs. “unnatural,” 22–23, 117–18
Nature, 227, 241
Nayar, 122
NBC Nightly News, 201
Neanderthals, 329n
Nebraska, taping sex in, 283
necks, elongation of, 139, 140–41
New Guinea, 91
New Orleans Medical & Surgical Journal, 249, 286
Newsweek, 305
New Yorker, 117, 204
New York Times, 5, 161, 168, 201–2, 209, 273
Nigerians, 144
Nikah Misyar (traveler’s marriage), 119–20
Nikah Mut’ah (marriage for pleasure), 120
1984 (Orwell), 147
nipples, male, 343n
Nixon, Richard, 194
Nolan, Patrick, 191
nonpossessiveness, 93, 126–27
North America, 159, 241
novelty, sexual, 288–300, 347n
nymphomania, 251, 285
O (Margolis), 251–52
Ohio, University of, 21
On Human Nature (Wilson), 37
On the Origin of Species (C. Darwin), 27, 36, 245
Oppenheimer, Frank, 93
oral sex, 283, 346n–47n
orangutans, 1, 61, 62, 62, 63, 115, 187, 215, 221, 224
sperm competition and, 230
orgasms:
female, 10, 13, 28, 245, 247–51, 255–58, 262–64, 266–68, 274, 294,
342n–43n, 344n
health and, 238
male, 10, 13, 263–64, 267, 268, 274, 343n–44n, 346n
multiple, 10, 13, 344n
oxytocin and, 215n
simultaneous, 343n–44n
“Original Affluent Society, The” (Sahlins), 176
Origins of Virtue, The (Ridley), 177
Orwell, George, 147, 158
Ostrom, Elinor, 170
Our Inner Ape (de Waal), 75
ovulation, 8, 57, 85, 116, 224, 227, 239, 274–75
age of menarche and, 159
in chimps, 69
concealed, 35, 48, 58–60, 69, 102, 262, 323n
copulation calls and, 257
Oxford University, 157
oxytocin, 72, 215n
pair bonds, 7–8, 34, 59, 73–77, 85, 101, 111, 115–19, 136, 216–17
long-term, 11, 73, 75, 118, 262–63
Papua New Guinea, 159, 185, 333n
Paraguay, 91–92, 119
paraphilias, 280–81
parental investment: female, 42, 49, 53
male, 7, 13, 26, 35, 48, 49, 51–55, 126, 128, 324n
Parental Investment and Sexual Selection (Trivers), 115–16
Parker, Geoffrey, 220
Patanowateri, 195
paternity, 94, 235, 265
partible, 90–91, 103, 108, 342n
paternity certainty, 8, 15, 49, 54, 56, 99, 104, 124–37, 149
genetics and, 25, 54, 56, 141
patriarchy, 131–34, 254
peacefulness, 102, 178, 179, 210–11, 212, 319n
pedophilia, 280–81
Penang, xi-xiii penguins, 134–35
penis, 12, 30, 140, 215, 222, 223, 230, 233–43, 266, 286, 288
size of, 224, 235–36, 235, 252, 253, 341n
Perel, Esther, 307, 309
perfume, 57, 262
Peter Pan Complex, 5
Peterson, Dale, 65, 186, 187, 334n
pheromones, 348n
Pinker, Steven, 28, 49, 183–85, 184, 192, 194, 210, 255, 319n, 332n, 334n
Pirahã, 121
plasticity, erotic, 272–81
pleasure, sexual, 6, 59, 85, 284, 285, 322n
of males vs. females, 39–40, 47, 304
quantity vs. quality of, 40
plethysmographs, 273
Plotz, David, 163
politics, 176–81, 211, 217
hierarchy and, 9, 143
Pollan, Michael, 337n
Pollock, Donald, 94n, 105, 125–26
Polo, Marco, 127, 130
Polonius, 305
polyamorous families, 305–6, 310
polyandry, 43, 222, 225
polygamy, 28
polygyny, 11, 28, 43, 66, 217–18, 219, 222–23, 240, 242, 245, 263, 346n
mating calls and, 256, 257
Polynesia, 108–9
population growth, 9, 33, 154–56, 156, 158–60, 169, 330n
foragers and, 156, 159, 190, 328n, 329n
land and, 203–4
war and, 191, 193, 203
pornography, 5, 7, 12, 231–32, 276–77, 292, 299, 340n
child, 283
money made from, 3, 317n
positron emission tomography (PET), 274
Potts, Richard, 214
poverty, 21, 33, 154, 160–65, 169, 207, 210, 344n
Power, Margaret, 187–90, 335n
Power of Scale, The (Bodley), 171–72
prairie vole, 135–36, 137, 326n
pregnancy, 7, 49, 56, 58, 59, 77, 107, 237, 260, 275, 330n, 344n
of chimps, 70
conception and, 90–91
demons and, 252, 253
prehistory, defined, 27
Prehistory of Sex, The (Taylor), 14
Prescott, James, 284
Presley, Elvis, 86
Pretty Woman, 50
Prisoner’s Dilemma, 167–68, 170
private property, 9, 11–15, 87, 143
prolactin, 267
promiscuity, 98–101, 142, 224, 227, 257, 259, 268, 339n
body-size dimorphism and, 217–18
of bonobos, 64, 75, 126, 217–18
defined, 44
of humans, 11, 12–13, 43, 44–45, 179, 180, 241, 246, 250, 259, 265,
294–95
property, 163
of foragers, 162, 176, 190
private, 9, 11–15, 87, 143
prostate cancer, 238
prostitutes, 28, 29, 50, 56, 114, 120, 125, 141, 221, 250, 258
protection, 6, 7, 8, 49, 50, 51, 54, 57, 59, 99, 140, 149
Protestant work ethic, 53
psychic unity of humankind, 115
psychology, 12, 106, 172
confirmation bias and, 117
evolutionary, see evolutionary psychology
Psychopathia Sexualis (Krafft-Ebing), 249–50
punishment, 83–84, 95, 97–98, 253, 286, 340n
Pusey, Anne, 69, 264
Quadagno, David, 289
Quaestiones super Viaticum (Peter of Spain), 40
Queen’s University (Belfast), 238
Rasmussen, Knud, 121
rape, 38, 64, 95, 127, 186–87, 253
Reid, D. P., 346n
Reiner, Rob, 343n
religion, 27, 34, 35, 96, 109, 119–20, 317n
Rembrandt, 63
Rent a Rasta, 289, 347n
repetitive microsatellite, 72
repression, sexual, 47, 277, 287
reproduction, 14, 38, 53, 78, 85, 86–87, 99, 149, 166, 215, 328n
bonobos and, 63, 64
of gibbons, 64
rape and, 187
rates of, 154
resources and, 158
sperm competition in, 229
reproductive tract, female, 220
sperm welcome in, 264–67
vacuum in, 235
resources, 76, 100, 166, 176
communally owned, 169–70, 180
competition for, 158
depletion of, 158, 159
male, 7, 50, 54–57, 59, 142
reticence, female, 27, 38–42, 51, 96, 221, 229, 254, 258–59, 266
Reuters, 119–20, 197
Ridley, Matt, 34, 154, 177, 217, 328n
Roberts, Julia, 50
Rochester, University of, 237
Rock, Chris, 290, 291
rock and roll, 86, 322n
Rolling Stone, 146, 147
Romance on the Road (Belliveau), 289
Rome, ancient, 95–96, 124–25, 191, 233
Romer, Roy, 310–11
Roseto, 162, 330n
Roughgarden, Joan, 26, 117, 318n
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 32–33, 69, 87, 167, 170, 324n
r-selected species, 328n
Ryan, Meg, 256
Sagan, Dorian, 227
Sahlins, Marshall, 161, 162–63, 176, 195
Saletan, William, 21, 107
Salovey, Peter, 144–45
Samoans, 323n
Sanday, Peggy Reeves, 132–33, 326n
Sapolsky, Robert, 65, 72, 178–79
SARS, 207
Sartre, Jean Paul, 84
Saudi Arabia, 119–20
Savage, Dan, 231, 304
Savage-Rumbaugh, Sue, 332n
Scheper-Hughes, Nancy, 203
Schiebinger, Londa, 318n–19n
Schopenhauer, Arthur, 29, 46, 281
Science, 34, 169, 216–17
science, politics and, 211
scrotum, 220, 236–37, 243, 341n
security, sex and, 38–39, 93
“seeds of confusion” theory, 59–60
Seinfeld, Jerry, 47, 288
self-interest, 9, 38, 100, 117, 133, 139, 141, 166, 181, 318n
of economic man, 167
Selfish Gene, The (Dawkins), 166, 177
selfishness, 166, 169, 177, 211–12, 330n
semen, 90–91, 105, 124, 228, 230, 234, 235, 236, 238, 267, 341n
depletion of, 250, 342n
Semple, Stuart, 256–57
Seneca, 42–43
Senters, Todd, 283
sex changes, 281–82
sexual dysfunction, 2–3
Sexual Fluidity (L. Diamond), 278
sexual intercourse, 12, 85, 90–91, 124, 242, 247, 283, 286, 295
with demons, 252
duration of, 236, 236, 242
positions for, 77, 224
promiscuous, see promiscuity
thrusting action in, 234–35, 243
Sexual Life in Ancient Rome (Kiefer), 124–25
sexual selection, 26, 34, 39, 42, 54–55, 221, 225, 266, 318n
postcopulatory, 345n
Roughgarden’s views on, 117
Shackelford, Todd, 340n
shame, 12, 54, 82, 96, 122, 129, 167, 170, 172
sharing, 6, 9, 11–12, 59, 99–100, 102, 177
of food, see food, sharing of
of mates, 12, 121, 137, 141, 146
Shaw, George Bernard, 155, 172, 211
sheep, 272, 280
shelter, 49, 81, 176, 302
Sherfey, Mary Jane, 254, 268, 344n
Shia Muslims, 120
Short, Roger, 227, 234
Sick Societies (Edgerton), 23, 192
sin, original, 35, 82
Singer, Peter, 337n
single mothers, 26, 49, 310
single-parent families, 4, 300
Sioux (Lakota), 336n
Siriono, 121, 145, 302
Slate.com, 21, 107
slaves, 14, 37, 118, 192, 254
Sledge, Percy, 146
sleep, 176, 208, 296, 348n
Small, Meredith, 96, 116, 257, 261, 266
smallpox, 206, 207, 207
smell, 262, 275, 298–99, 347n
Smith, Adam, 166, 177, 330n–31n
Smith, David Livingstone, 158, 186, 334n
Soccer Tribe, The (Morris), 93
social behavior, 83–88
social Darwinists, 35–36
societies, map of, 89
Society without Fathers or Husbands, A (Cai Hua), 129
Sociobiology (Wilson), 36, 37
Socio-Erotic Exchanges (S.E.Ex.), 93–98, 138–39
Socrates, 163
Somé, Malidoma Patrice, 105–6, 128
Song of Myself (Whitman), 271
soul, feminine, 271–79
South Pacific, 96, 263, 323n, 346n
soy products, 237, 242
Spears, Britney, 284
Speculum Doctrinale (Vincent of Beauvais), 121–22
Spencer, Herbert, 35
sperm, 12, 53, 227–30, 234–41, 252, 264–67
sperm competition, 220–23, 225, 228–32, 236, 240, 242, 243, 259, 264,
265, 340n–43n
copulation calls and, 257, 258
copulatory plug and, 234
among great apes, 230
monogamy and, 228, 239
sperm count, 237
Sponsel, Leslie, 193, 196–97
Sprague, Joey, 289
Squire, Susan, 300, 304
standard narrative, 7–8, 11, 15, 25, 34–35, 46–60, 64, 149, 223, 266, 300
assumptions of, 99, 137, 142
of evolutionary psychology, 38–39, 48–53
extended sexual receptivity and concealed ovulation in, 48, 58–60
female libido in, 38–39, 47–58
female orgasm in, 262–63
male parental investment in, 7, 13, 26, 35, 48, 49, 51–55, 126, 128,
324n
paternity certainty in, 48, 55–58, 124–37, 142
sexual economics and, 48–51
sexual jealousy in, 35, 48, 55–58, 92, 142
testicles and, 227
war between the sexes in, 269–70
Stanford, Craig, 67
starvation, 164–65, 173, 203, 204
status, 52
of bonobos, 71
of children, 148
female, 9, 14, 57, 71, 132
male, 38, 49, 50, 55, 65–66, 99, 101, 257, 265
Sting, 147
Stone Age Economics (Sahlins), 162–63
straight men, 276–77
erotic plasticity and, 272, 273
stress, 72, 208–10, 296, 338n, 348n
stroke, 162, 210
Sudan, 193
suicide, 210, 282
Sullivan, Andrew, 306–7
Sullivan, Ed, 86
sun/moon relation, 311–12, 312, 349n
surrogate mothers, 107
survival of the fittest, 35
Sussman, Robert, 188
swans, 136, 137
“Sweaty T-shirt Experiment,” 275, 348n
Swedes, 144
swingers, 307–8
Sydney University, 238
Symons, Donald, 51, 57–58, 118–19, 126, 229, 247, 295, 340n
female orgasm as viewed by, 263–64
on sexual novelty, 295–96
syphilis, 130, 206, 207, 250
Tahiti, 95
Taï, 67, 70
Tannahill, Reay, 252
Tanzania, 187–88, 325n
Taylor, Timothy, 14, 175, 318n, 343n
Technology of Orgasm, The (Maines), 247–48, 342n
TED (Technology, Entertainment, Design) conference (2007), 183–84
teeth, 173, 205, 215
television, 5, 32, 41, 143, 288, 319n
Tennyson, Alfred, Lord, 30
testicles, 10, 12, 220, 222–27, 224, 230, 234, 236–43, 266, 342n
testify, 234
testosterone, 267, 281–82, 293–94, 296–98, 346n
Thailand, 140, 289, 290
Theory of Moral Sentiments, A (Smith), 330n–31n
Theroux, Paul, 69
Thompson, Robert Farris, 86
Tierney, Patrick, 195, 336n
Tierra del Fuego, 163–64, 181
Time, 302–3
Tipping Point, The (Gladwell), 171
Tiresias, 39–40, 47, 51
Tissot, Simon André, 250
Toba eruption, 191, 330n
Todorov, Tzvetan, 318n
tools, 76, 176, 196, 216
“Tragedy of the Commons, The” (Hardin), 169–70
translation paradox, 118
Treatise of Human Nature, A (Hume), 61
Treatise on the Disease Produced by Onanism, A (Tissot), 250
Trivers, Robert, 115–16, 270, 324n
Trobriand Islands, 95
trust, 72, 139, 177, 304–5, 311
tuberculosis, 178–79, 206, 207
Tukanoan, 108
Tulp, Nicolaes, 63
Turchin, Peter, 191
Turkey, 175
Twain, Mark, 81, 244, 285, 290
Uganda, 189
United States, 142, 170, 190, 247, 289, 303, 305, 334n
breast augmentation in, 259
circumcision in, 287
clitorectomies in, 251
money concerns in, 161
open range in, 169
population growth in, 155
suicide in, 282
Urban VIII, Pope, 34
vagina, 140, 265, 266–67, 286
Valentine, Paul, 90–91, 103
vampire bats, 99–100
vasopressin, 326n
Vaupel, James, 201–2
Vedder, Eddie, 166
Ventura, Michael, 86, 322n
Venus of Willendorf, 259
Viagra, 2–3, 299
vibrators, 248–49, 342n
Victorian era, 27–30, 35, 302, 318n
women in, 28, 29, 40, 221
Victorian Frame of Mind, The (Houghton), 29
Vincent of Beauvais, 121–22
violence, 66, 154, 211, 284, 346n
of chimps, 64–65, 67–70, 186–90, 193, 334n–35n
of humans, 68, 75, 83, 127, 325n see also war
virginity, 120
vocalization, female copulatory (FCV), 13, 255–59
Vonnegut, Kurt, Jr., 149, 209
vulva, 77–78
Wade, Nicholas, 182–83
Walford, Roy, 208–09
Wallace, Alfred Russel, 154–55
Wallis, Samuel, 95
Wall Street, 153
Walum, Hasse, 326n–27n
Wamba, 70
Wang, Hurng-Yi, 227
Waorani Indians, 206
war, 64, 70, 75, 127, 182–99, 210, 284
human, 13, 38, 65, 76, 83, 159, 183–86, 190–99, 204, 329n, 332n–34n
war (cont.)
Pinker’s views on, 183–85, 184, 192, 194, 332n, 334n
primate origins of, 65, 186, 187–189
spoils of, 190–93, 204
War Before Civilization (Keeley), 23, 184
war between the sexes, 25, 40, 47, 55–58, 269–70
Warao, 121
wealth, 7, 8, 50, 161–66, 217, 265
Wedekind, Claus, 275, 348n
Weil, Andrew, 349n
Westermarck effect, 348n
“When a Man Loves a Woman” (song), 146–47
When Harry Met Sally, 256, 343n
Whitman, Walt, 271
Why Men Rule (Goldberg), 132–33, 326n
“Why War?” (Smith), 158
Wilson, Genarlow, 283
Wilson, E. O., 36–37, 47, 104, 149, 301, 328n
Wilson, Margo, 49, 225
Winge, Øjvind, 220
witchcraft, 251, 252
witchetty grubs, 21, 22
Wolf, Stewart, 162
Women at the Center (Sanday), 133, 326n
Woods, Vanessa, 68
Woods, Tiger, 324n
World Health Organization, 120, 240–41, 253
World War II, 307–8, 338n
Wrangham, Richard, 65, 186, 187, 189, 334n
Wright, Robert, 52–53, 57, 270
Wu, Chung-I, 227
Wyckoff, Gerald, 227, 339n
Yang Erche Namu, 126, 127, 128, 130
Yanomami, 184–85, 184, 194–97, 333n, 336n
Yanomamö (Chagnon), 194–97
Young, Brigham, 218
Yucatán, 19, 24, 75, 164, 310, 318n
Zeus, 39–40, 228
Zulu, 192–93
P.S. Insights, Interviews & More…
About the authors
Meet Christopher Ryan and Cacilda Jethá
About the book
Christopher Ryan and Dan Savage in Conversation
Read on
Sex at Dawn Online
About the authors
Meet Christopher Ryan and Cacilda Jethá
Christopher Ryan received a BA in English from Hobart College in 1984 and
an MA and PhD in psychology from Saybrook University in San Francisco,
California, twenty years later. He spent the intervening decades in unexpected
places working at very odd jobs (e.g., gutting salmon in Alaska, teaching English
to prostitutes in Bangkok and self-defense to land-reform activists in Mexico,
managing commercial real estate in New York’s Diamond District, helping
Spanish physicians publish their research). Drawing upon his multicultural
experience, Christopher’s doctoral research focused on trying to distinguish the
human from the cultural by analyzing the prehistoric roots of human sexuality,
and was guided by the world-renowned psychologist Stanley Krippner.
Based in Barcelona since the mid-1990s, Christopher has lectured at the
University of Barcelona Medical School and consulted at various local hospitals.
He speaks to audiences around the world (in both English and Spanish). His
work has appeared in major newspapers and magazines in many languages,
scholarly journals, and a textbook used in medical schools and teaching hospitals
throughout Spain and Latin America.
Christopher contributes blogs to both Psychology Today and The Huffington
Post.
Cacilda Jethá has an Indian face, a European education, and an African soul.
She was born in Mozambique to a mixed Muslim/Hindu family that had
immigrated from Iran and India a few generations earlier. As a child, she fled
civil war to Portugal, where she received most of her education and began her
medical training before returning to Mozambique in the 1980s. As a young
physician determined to help heal her country, Cacilda spent several years as the
only physician serving some fifty thousand people in a vast rural district. While
there, she conducted research on the sexual behavior of rural Mozambicans in
order to help develop more effective AIDS-prevention efforts.
After almost a decade in Mozambique, Cacilda returned to Portugal, where
she completed residency training in both psychiatry (at the prestigious Hospital
Júlio de Matos in Lisbon) and occupational medicine.
She and Christopher live together in Barcelona, Spain, where she is a
practicing psychiatrist. She speaks Portuguese, French, Spanish, Catalan,
English, and some rusty Tsonga.
About the book
Christopher Ryan and Dan Savage in Conversation
The following is heavily edited from two Savage Love podcasts recorded with
Dan Savage in 2010 as well as an unpublished conversation. The full, unedited,
raunchy, NSFW podcast recordings can be found (free) at the iTunes store or at
www.thestranger.com. Episode 194 was broadcast on July 6, and episode 210
on October 27. Dan Savage is the best-known sex advice columnist in the United
States. His podcast and syndicated column reach millions of readers weekly.
Dan Savage: You know how every once in a while you see a movie or you read
a book or an article in a magazine—or perhaps some advice in an advice
column—and you think, “Oh my god, I’m not crazy!”? I’ve just had that
experience reading your book. I don’t know how to start this interview with
you but by gushing. I understand that you’re married to a woman, but where
have you been all my life?
Christopher Ryan: (laughing) I’ve been trying to get your attention for the past
couple of years!
DS: I’ve been reading your book and screaming and yelling and jumping up
and down. I feel so vindicated by the research that you guys have done
because for years, I’ve been pointing out just from observation and anecdotal
evidence that monogamy is hard, doesn’t work, and makes people kind of
miserable. And yet we’re told it should come easily and naturally when we’re
in love, that a monogamous commitment is effortless where there’s love. And
you guys have demonstrated that this is simply not true.
CR: That’s our conclusion.
DS: What inspired you to write this book, to paint this bull’s-eye on your
backs? Because you are going to get criticized from all sides.
CR: I guess what got me into this line of thinking initially was the ClintonLewinsky situation. I was thinking, How is it possible that if men have had all
the power—political, economic, even physical power—since the beginning of
time, how is it that the most powerful man in the world is being publicly
humiliated for having a consensual sexual relationship with someone? It just
didn’t make sense. So that led me to investigate evolutionary psychology. For
the first year or so, I had the passion of the convert. I thought it explained
everything. Luckily, at the time, I was living in San Francisco, working for a
nonprofit organization called Women in Community Service. I was one of the
only men working there. Consequently, I had lots of very intelligent, outspoken
women around me who helped me see that the depiction of female sexuality that
is fundamental to evolutionary psychology really doesn’t make much sense at
all.
DS: And what is the picture painted of female sexuality? You say in the book
that “women are whores”—that’s what they’re telling us.
CR: We don’t say that! We half-jokingly say that Darwin says women are
whores, in that they supposedly trade sex for stuff: protection, food, status, and
so on, according to the conventional Darwinian view. We argue that women
aren’t whores by nature; they’re sluts…and we mean that as a compliment! In
other words, women evolved to have sex for the same reasons men do—because
they like it. It feels good. Not because they’re trying to get something from men.
DS: There’s stuff in this book that will make people’s heads explode, like the
concept of partible paternity. Instead of women trading sexual exclusivity and
the assurance of paternity to men, that what was actually going on was that
women may have been fucking as many men as possible so all the men in the
group could believe that the kid could be theirs.
CR: Right. This is something that Sarah Hrdy writes about in several of her
books on alloparenting. She explains that it’s actually better for that child if lots
of adults feel they have a direct connection to the child.
DS: You guys argue that this was the natural order of things, sort of a
polyamorous, all-for-one-and-one-for-all sex culture. So, if monogamy wasn’t
our natural state, and now it’s an “ill-fitting garment,” and so on, now what?
CR: Well, this is a book about how we are and how we got to be this way, but
it’s not about what anyone should do about it.
DS: Yes, but don’t you think it will help people just to know the reason that
they’re falling short? That they’re not doing anything wrong, necessarily?
That it’s their inner nature, their inner bonobo? These ideals our culture has
created about monogamy and faithfulness and fidelity are nice, but they’re not
very functional and our own libidos and reptile brains are at war with them.
CR: Exactly. People often say to us, “But we’re human beings. We can choose
how to behave.” That’s true, to a certain extent, but our bodies rebel against
decisions that go against our evolved nature. You can choose to wear shoes that
are too small, but you can’t choose to be comfortable in them. You can choose to
wear a corset, but you may well pass out because you can’t breathe properly….
The human body and mind have evolved for a certain kind of life. The further
we diverge from that path, the greater the cost in terms of mental, emotional, and
physical health. There’s just no getting away from this. We examine all this in
greater detail in our next book.
Getting back to your earlier question—“Now what?”—the ambition we have
for this book is humble but important, I think. We hope it encourages and
empowers people to give themselves a break, to cut themselves and their
partners some slack. It actually promotes family stability to not be so rigid
concerning fidelity. A zero-tolerance policy doesn’t help anyone.
DS: I’m constantly arguing that! If we’re interested in preserving marriages
and keeping families intact, we need to be less psychotic about never seeing
anyone else naked ever again once we’re married. If we make certain
allowances, the marriage is more likely to survive over the long run. If the only
way you can ever have sex with anyone else is to end the marriage, many
people will end or sabotage the marriage.
CR: Well put.
DS: OK, let’s talk about how the book’s been received so far. I’ve seen some
negative reaction concerning jealousy and love. What do you say to people
who say this vision of prehistory can’t possibly be right because we’re “by
nature” possessive about love?
CR: Well, I generally avoid making sweeping statements about these issues, but
I’ll give it a shot for you, Dan. Cacilda and I believe that real love isn’t primarily
about sex. If you’re lucky enough to find love in your life, you quickly realize
how relatively unimportant sex is. Love is about a lot of unerotic things: getting
old together, taking care of each other when we’re sick or grieving, raising a
child together, paying the bills…sharing the dailyness of life. It’s not primarily
about orgasms. So many people confuse these things. They mistake good sexual
chemistry for soul-mating, for a reason to sign up for a life together. Then, a few
years later, when the chemical thrill has dissipated—as it does—they find
they’ve made a horrible mistake. So, even though our book is largely about sex,
one of the central points we wanted to make is that most of us take sex way too
seriously. We need to chill out. Like music, sex can be sacred but doesn’t always
have to be. Sometimes we hear God in a Bach toccata, but sometimes we’re just
dancing and having a good time listening to the Rolling Stones. Nothing sacred
about it.
DS: You heard it here first, folks! Other than those quibblers, how’s the book
been received so far?
CR: To be honest, we’re surprised and thrilled at the reception. Of course, I’ve
got a Google alert set to the title, so I see most of the blog discussions, reviews
on Amazon.com and GoodReads, etc. Overall, people seem to be very positive
about the book. Much more than we’d expected. We figured we’d get about 50
percent hate mail and 50 percent non-hate mail, but probably 90 percent of the
people who’ve written to us have been very, very kind in their comments. Some
of the emails are heartbreaking. A lot of them along the lines of, “Damn, I wish
I’d known all this when I was young!” One I’ll never forget said, simply, “I’m a
sixty-three-year-old widow and I consider this one of the most important books
I’ve ever read. I wish I could live my life over with this information.” We get a
lot of messages that relate to what you said earlier, about how people feel better
when they can understand why they feel as they do. Why they can honestly love
their partner but still feel attracted to other people. Seriously, the response from
readers has been mind-blowing.
DS: But surely not all positive.
CR: No, and maybe this is still the calm before the storm. There hasn’t been
much negative response from the academic community—at least not the
evolutionary psychology crowd we critique in our book: Pinker, Buss, Chagnon,
and those guys.
We’ve received lovely messages from people like Frans de Waal and Sarah
Hrdy—certainly two of the most prominent authorities in the evolution of human
sexuality—although they don’t necessarily agree with everything we wrote. On
the other hand, Alan Dixson, a prominent primatologist we quote extensively,
trashed us in an interview he gave to a paper in New Zealand, but he admitted he
hadn’t read the book, he was just responding to what he’d heard about it. That’s
been sort of typical of the most negative critical responses so far. They admit
they haven’t read Sex at Dawn, but they dismiss it anyway. Megan McArdle, the
business and economics editor at The Atlantic, wrote what is probably the most
negative review to date, and she openly admitted she was only halfway through
the book when she wrote it.
DS: I saw that! “Humans aren’t like bonobos…because we’re not like
bonobos!”
CR: Right. Rock-solid logic there, no? She apparently felt so threatened by the
book that she couldn’t think straight. I mean, she accused us of leaving out any
discussion of jealousy as it didn’t fit our model, somehow missing Chapter 10,
which is called “Jealousy: A Beginner’s Guide to Coveting Thy Neighbor’s
Spouse.”
But as I said, the negative response has been much less than we were
expecting, and is understandable; lots of people feel threatened by the arguments
we’ve made.
We’ve received lots of support from academics and clinicians. We’ve heard
from scholars at the Kinsey Institute, professors all over the country who are
assigning the book to their students, and we were honored when Sex at Dawn
was chosen as the best consumer book of 2010 by the Society for Sex Therapy
and Research (SSTAR).
DS: I’m so sorry Cacilda couldn’t join you on this trip. What was her role in
the book?
CR: Cacilda is one of two psychiatrists who run a psychiatric facility with close
to a hundred patients. So she’s pretty tied to her day job these days, much as
she’d love to participate more in interviews and meet readers. Strangely, a few
people have interpreted her non-presence in interviews as evidence that I made
her up just to give the book some cover with women readers. Seriously!
I’d done a lot of this research before meeting Casi, about ten years ago. Still,
what she brought to the book was crucial. First, she’d done her own research into
human sexual behavior in rural Mozambique for the World Health Organization
in the first years of the AIDS crisis, so she had extensive “real life”
understanding of how things work in that part of the world. She grew up in a
mixed Muslim/Hindu Indian family in Africa, so she brought a lot of
multicultural nuance to the project, and of course, being a medical doctor, she
was integral to the discussions of diet, longevity, infant care, and so on.
Portuguese is her native language, and English is actually one of six that she
speaks. As the native English speaker and professional writer, I did the writing,
but she read every draft, again and again, before it went to anyone else. To call
her anything other than a coauthor would be inadequate.
DS: You’ve lived in Spain for a long time. Have you seen any major
differences in the way Americans and Spanish deal with sex?
CR: Oh yeah. In fact, that may be why I’ve lived in Spain for so long! Despite
the history of Catholicism as the “official religion,” urban Spanish people, at
least, are far less conflicted about sex than the typical American. One of the first
things that struck me was how openly and unashamedly Spanish people flirt. I’m
not, and never have been, a particularly great-looking guy, but after a few weeks
walking around in Barcelona, I felt like Brad Pitt! It’s not sleazy or even
necessarily sexual, but women look in your eyes, and if they like what they see,
they smile. So simple. There’s not that fear and suspicion of strangers one finds
so often in American cities, where eye contact is to be avoided at all costs. In the
U.S., there seems to be an assumption that any man you don’t know could very
well be a rapist-pervert-murderer or creep of some sort. I’m not blaming women
for having that fear, of course, but it’s pretty depressing for men and women. In
Barcelona, you can walk down the street and be smiled at by three or four lovely
women per block. It sure makes walking a lot more fun!
Cacilda gets the same sort of ego boosts all the time. (But she is particularly
beautiful, so it’s less surprising.) Nothing sleazy, mind you, but just guys who
say things like, “Hi. I just wanted to introduce myself and ask if you’d like to
have a drink sometime. You’re really lovely.” There’s an innocence around
flirting here that’s been lost in the States. It’s a shame, as it’s very much a winwin situation that dramatically improves quality of life for everyone involved.
DS: What was the most surprising thing you learned while working on Sex at
Dawn?
CR: So many things come to mind, but probably the most mind-blowing was the
information about the first “key parties” having been started by elite WWII
pilots who were facing very high fatality rates, the highest in the whole military.
It was so moving to think about what motivated them to open their marriages
with other couples. They were cultivating these webs of love, or at least real
affection, because they knew that some of the men wouldn’t survive the war, and
they wanted the widows to have as much support and love as possible. This
confluence of selflessness and sexuality seemed to connect so directly to the
hunter-gatherer groups, where men also have a high mortality rate from hunting
accidents, falls, animal attacks, and so on. It was an unexpected yet very clear
reflection of the distant past.
DS: Has the experience of publishing this book changed you in any way?
CR: Interesting question. It has. It’s made me much less critical of other
people’s books. I don’t think I could write a negative review at this point. When
I was younger, it was easy to point out the flaws in books, but at this point, I’m
much more aware that there’s a person on the other side who did their best. If I
were writing Sex at Dawn again, I’d probably tone down some of the snarkier
bits.
I’m also more aware of just how impossible it is to please everyone. We’ve
been incredibly fortunate in the response to this book, but still, for every nine
comments we get congratulating us for writing the book with humor, we’ll get
one or two describing the writing style as “sophomoric” or “unserious.” Some
people think serious issues can only be discussed in serious tones. It’s interesting
to have become a public figure, even in the very limited way I’m experiencing it.
People have the right to their responses to your work, positive or negative. I’ve
learned not to take it personally, in either case.
Read on
Sex at Dawn Online
FOR MORE INFORMATION about Sex at Dawn and the authors’ current doings,
please visit sexatdawn.com, where you’ll find a selection of reviews, reader
responses, TV and radio interviews, podcasts, and a reader-maintained forum for
discussing anything and everything related to the book. Additionally, the authors
maintain a Facebook page with a lively discussion of current events related to
the book at www.facebook.com/sexatdawn. They can also be followed on
Twitter: @SexatDawn.
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ADDITIONAL PRAISE FOR SEX AT DAWN
“Ideas like [these] might do more to save marriage than anything else in today’s
social-theory landscape. Seriously.”
—Amy L. Keyishian, AOL
“Sex at Dawn is an absolute must-read because this is the first book about sex
that’s as fun to read as it is to…you know, do it.”
—Moses Ma, editor, Tantric News
“Sex at Dawn is a page-turner. It’s like a novel. You can’t put it down—it is so
much fun to read…. It’s a fascinating book. I felt like this book was written for
me!”
—Susie Bright, legendary sex-positive feminist and author
“I have not read such delightful, convincing, and readable science writing since
the dearly lamented Stephen Jay Gould. This book is funny, absorbing, cleareyed, and deeply anti-patriarchal in a way that feels incidental to the facts rather
than rising from any agenda—which I find utterly, gleefully vindicating and
deeply satisfying…. It made me laugh out loud every ten pages. Just as
importantly, this book made me proud to be human.”
—Haddayr Copley-Woods, Aqueduct Press
“Sex at Dawn is the best, most fascinating, most unsettling, yet ultimately
inspirational book on the evolutionary nature of human sexuality that’s out
there!”
—Susan Block, Ph.D., sexologist, author, radio and television host
“An exciting book…. Whether people agree with it or not: these are issues that
will need debating over and over before we will arrive at a resolution.”
—Frans de Waal, Ph.D., author of
The Age of Empathy: Nature’s Lessons for a Kinder Society
“Turns everything you thought you knew about sex on its head. Funny,
engaging, and superbly written, this book explores the science behind what
many of us suspected all along: human beings are not naturally monogamous.”
—Julie Holland, M.D., author of Weekends at Bellevue
“Sex at Dawn manages to be both enormously erudite and wildly entertaining—
even, frequently, hilarious. Ryan and Jethá slip effortlessly across millions of
years, from the savanna of prehistoric Africa to the contemporary bedroom,
presenting cutting-edge research with clarity and wit.”
—Tony Perrottet, author of The Sinner’s Grand Tour
“This is a provocative, entertaining, and pioneering book. I learned a lot from it
and recommend it highly.”
—Andrew Weil, MD, Program Director,
Arizona Center for Integrative Medicine
“Sex at Dawn is not a tome on why people should cheat on their partners. Think
of it as a new, wide-ranging sampling of research and ideas to get us to rethink
our notion of human beings as sexual beings…. It helps put the ‘human’ back in
‘human sexuality.’ As suitable for an open-minded book club as the veteran sex
therapist seeking new ways to rethink common challenges faced in clinical
practice.”
—Eric Marlowe Garrison, Contemporary Sexuality
Credits
Cover design by Andrea Cardenas
Copyright
SEX AT DAWN. Copyright © 2010 by Christopher Ryan and Cacilda Jethá. All
rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions.
By payment of the required fees, you have been granted the nonexclusive,
nontransferable right to access and read the text of this e-book on-screen. No
part of this text may be reproduced, transmitted, downloaded, decompiled,
reverse-engineered, or stored in or introduced into any information storage and
retrieval system, in any form or by any means, whether electronic or mechanical,
now known or hereinafter invented, without the express written permission of
HarperCollins e-books.
FIRST HARPER PERENNIAL EDITION PUBLISHED 2011.
The Library of Congress has catalogued the hardcover edition as follows: Ryan,
Christopher
Sex at dawn: the prehistoric origins of modern sexuality / Christopher Ryan
and Cacilda Jethá.—1st ed.
p. cm.
Summary: “A controversial, idea-driven book that challenges everything you
know about sex, marriage, family, and society.”—Provided by publisher
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-06-170780-3 (hardback)
1. Sex. 2. Sex—History. 3. Sex customs. 4. Marriage. I. Jethá, Cacilda. II.
Title.
HQ12.R93 2010
306.7—dc22
2009045457
ISBN 978-0-06-170781-0 (pbk.)
11 12 13 14 15 OV/RRD 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
EPub Edition © FEBRUARY 2012 ISBN: 978-0-06-220794-4
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* We use the terms “foragers” and “hunter-gatherers” interchangeably throughout the text.
* Anthropologist James Woodburn (1981/1998) classified foraging societies into immediate-return (simple)
and delayed-return (complex) systems. In the former, food is eaten within days of acquisition, without
elaborate processing or storage. Unless otherwise noted, we refer to these societies.
* Our use of the word “design” is purely metaphorical—not meant to imply any “designer” or intentionality
underlying evolved human behavior or anatomy.
* But who would argue the gourmand takes less pleasure in her food than the glutton?
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In a personal communication, Don Pollock makes an interesting point about the notion of multiple
fatherhood, writing, “I have always found the Kulina notion that more than one man may be a ‘biological’
father to a child to be, ironically, similar to the genetic reality: in a small, genetically homogeneous
population (or close to it, after many generations of in-marrying), every child has close genetic similarities
to all of the men with whom his or her mother had sexual relations—even to those the mother was not
involved with.”
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* Real science offers one of the few—if not the only—reliable means of seeing beyond such cultural
distortions, which makes it vitally important that we be fearless in rooting out cultural bias in research.
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* Recall Beckerman’s description of mate-sharing in the Amazon: “You know that if you die, there’s some
other man who has a residual obligation to care for at least one of your children. So looking the other way
or even giving your blessing when your wife takes a lover is the only insurance you can buy.”